Literatuur over examens
Ben Wilbrink
Zie ook zittenblijven.htm
Zie ook cijfergeven.htm
Zie ook cesuurbepaling.htm
Zie ook examenregelingen.htm
Block, J. (Ed.) (1974). Schools, society and mastery learning. London: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston.
Block, J. H. (Ed.), Mastery learning: Theory and practice (includes annotated bibliography). London: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, 1971.
Bloom, B. S., Hastings, J. T., & Madaus, G. F. Handbook on formative and summative evaluation of student learning. New York: McGrawHill, 1971.
Bishop, J. H. (1995). The impact of curriculum-based external examinations on school priorities and student learning. International Journal of Educational Research, 23 (8), 653-752. pdf
Een monografie met prikkelende titels van de afzonderlijke hoofdstukken: An economic theory of the effects of peer pressure and rewards for learning on school priorities, student effort and achievement. The impact of the payoff to college and the selectivity of college admissions on effort and achievement in high school. When curriculum-based examinations are absent, what happens to academic standards, incentives and achievement in the United states? Testing for backwash effects of examination systems: international comparisons. New York State vs. the rest of the United States. Mathematics and science achievement in Canada: comparing provinces. Case study of England, Scotland, France, The Netherlands and the United States.
Bergh, H. van den (1988). Examens geëxamineerd. Den Haag: SVO. (over centraal schriftelijke eindexamens Nederlands voor LBO en MAVO)
Ball, W. W. R. (1880). The origin and history of the mathematical tripos. Cambridge. Rothblatt (1974) verwijst hier meermalen naar. Niet in UBL. In KB: Cambridge notes, chiefly concerning Trinity College and the University. 1921 (2nd edition). Cambridge: Heffer. Hieruit heb ik het hoofdstuk The history of the mathematical tripos gekopieerd.
Bakker, H. Th. (Red.) (1959). Mislukking en vertraging van de studie. Verslag van een onderzoek verricht aan de Technische Hogeschool te Delft, 1953-1957. Delft: Technische Hogeschool.
Needham, J. (1963). China and the origin of qualifying examinations in medicine. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, 56, 63. Reprinted in Needham, J. (1970). Clerks and craftsmen in China and the West. Cambridge University Press. 379-395
The evidence available (which we shall mention further in due course) indicates clearly that our European system of examinations derived from Arabic culture through the School of Salerno. The question arises, however, whether the physicians of +10th-century Baghdad could have been influenced by still earlier practices in regions farther east. p. 379 When Bentley introduced written examinations in Cambridge in +1720, for the first time in Europe, he was certainly not unaware of the age-old Chinese civil service examinations, which had been described in detail by many +17th-century Jesuit writers in all of the chief European languages. When Civil Service examinations were introduced in the nineteenth century in the West, the inspiration came again from the mandarinate examinations conducted for two thousand years previously in China.
p. 379
Arrow, K. J. (1973). Higher education as a filter. Journal of Public Economics, 2(3), 193–216. pdf scihub
Teng, Ssu-Yü (1968). Chinese influence on the Western examinations system. In J.L. Bischop, Studies of governmental institutions in Chinese history, 197-242. (Prahl p. 17 verwijst hiernaar: '... die lange Diskussion vor der Einführung der Civil Service Examinations') pdf scihub
Theo Thijssen (1929). De examen-idioot of De kinderexamens van 1928. Overdruk uit De Bode. orgaan van de Bond van Ned. Onderwijzers. Bondsdrukkerij "De Volharding".
scan 24 Mb. Scan is overgenomen op onderzoekonderwijs.net door Dick van de Wateren https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1213097645775970304 --> [Stukje of column over toets/examengekte in Verzameld Werk deel IV pp 391-92. Verscheen in tijdschrift Wij]
Anderson, R. D. (1989). Education & opportunity in Victorian Scotland. Edinburgh UP. [Education and opportunity in Victorian Scotland]
Het concluderende hoofdstukje maakt duidelijk dat dit een belangrijk boek is. Dat komt omdat het over toegankelijkheid van het onderwijs gaat, de veranderingen in het onderwijs die met veranderingen in die toegankelijkheid samengaan, en omdat een en ander zich afspeelt in een ongemakkelijke relatie tot het Engelse selectieve onderwijsstelsel. Wat bijzonder interessant is: de strijd tussen voorstanders van selectie en degenen die vrije toegankelijkheid (tot publieke kennis etc, tot de universiteit) wilden handhaven (maar dat uiteindelijk wel hebben verloren). Het is helemaal niet zo'n gek idee, zoals Anderson aangeeft, om vandaag de dag nog eens naar de argumenten voor die vrije toegankelijkheid te kijken. Misschien liggen hier toch mogelijkheden om maatschappelijke winst te behalen, nu maatschappelijke omstandigheden zo radicaal anders zijn dan een eeuw geleden waarin de geslotenheid en de bureaucratische eenvormigheid van het universitaire gebeuren zijn beslag kreeg.
Paul William Kingston and Lionel S. Lewis (Eds) (1990). The high-status track: studies of elite schools and stratification. Albany: State University of New York Press. isbn 0791400115, (o.a.: Richard Farnum: Prestige in the IVY League: Democratization and discrimination at Penn and Columbia, 1890-1970 - Paul William Kingston and Lionel S. Lewis: Undergraduates at elite institutions: The best, the brightest, and the richest - James C. Hearn: Pathways to attendance at the elite colleges - Paul William Kingston and John C. Smart: The economic pay-off of prestigious colleges - Michael Useem and Jerome Karabel: Pathways to top corporate management - Charles L. Cappell and Ronald M. Pipkin: The inside tracks: Status distinctions in allocations to elite law schools - Paul William Kingston and James G. Clawson: Getting on the fast track: Recruitment at an elite business school)
Masters of Theory: Cambridge and the Rise of Mathematical Physics by Andrew Warwick (2003), University of Chicago Press info
Drawing on a wealth of new archival evidence and illustrations, Masters of Theory examines the origins of a cultural tradition through which the complex world of theoretical physics was made commonplace.
OECD (1995). Performance standards in education. In search of quality. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. [POW 81.05 P3] Studie van normen in een reeks OECD-landen, helaas zonder Nederland. Ook aandacht voor de wijze waarop men met die normen omgaat, ze bepaalt. Meestal gaat het om het eindexamenniveau middelbaar onderwijs. Juist het vergelijkende kader maakt soms verrassende conclusies mogelijk. Op p. 13 wijst John Lowe op de paradoxale situatie dat in een aantal landen
‘external examination for 17-18-year-olds, whose primary purpose is selection of rejection for university entrance, sets standards in a top-down, elitist fashion through its profund influence on the school curriculum. On the other hand, the same countries are all committed to the democratic ideal of high qulity (cf. "high-stakes") education for all students at all levels and today show concern to develop national standards and equivalency. Is that ideal compatible with the examination model? There is, undoubtedly, a fundamental problem of reconciling conflicting educational aims.’
Strenge selectie op grond van Cito-toets onverstandig. Onderwijsdeskundige waarschuwt tegen allesbepalende keuze op jonge leeftijd. Xandra van Gelder (De Volkskrant, 18-2-1997). "Op je twaalfde jaar wordt je toekomst bepaald. Zo rond pasen krijgen alle leerlingen in groep acht, mede op grond van de Cito-toets, een dwingend schooladvies. Het is de vraag of dat wel verstandig is", aldus R. Zunderdorp, voorzitter van het Procesmanagement voortgezet onderwijs. "Je mag niet hoger kiezen dan Cito en de school adviseren, omdat het later zoveel problemen geeft als het misgaat met dat kind. Wie hogerop wil, wat toch een heel gezonde ambitie is, mag dat niet eens proberen. Daarmee ontneem je mensen een grondrecht. De toets wordt aan alle kanten misbruikt." Volgens Hendriks [directeur van de Algemene Vereniging van Schoolleiders] is op een kwart van de scholen al flink geoefend voor de toets. Zo proberen de scholen hun leerlingen zo goed mogelijk te laten scoren. De educatieve Uitgeverij Wolters Noordhoff heeft die trend als eerste onderkend. Het dit jaar verschenen Tiptoets, een verzameling oude Cito-vragen en handige tips om het juiste antwoord te kiezen, wordt volgens Wolters Noordhoff zeer goed verkocht. Er bestaan geen gegevens over de voorspellende waarde van de Cito-toets alleen. De Amsterdamse hoogleraar onderwijskunde J. Dronkers heeft onderzoek gedaan naar de voorspellende waarde van toets én het advies van de school. 40 tot 50 Procent van de leerlingen haalt een diploma van het schooltype dat is geadviseerd. En dat is een wereldrecord, dat is heel betrouwbaar. Het is namelijk een van de beste voorspellers binnen een veld van heel slechte voorspellers.
J.C. Kamphorsta, W.H.A. Hofman, E.P.W.A. Jansen & C. Terlouw (2013). The relationship between perceived competence and earned credits in competence-based higher education. Assessment & Evaluation in Higher Education, 38, 646-661.
abstract
Lamprianou, Iasonas (2009) 'Comparability of examination standards between subjects: an international perspective', Oxford Review of Education, 35: 2, 205 — 226
Willem Otterspeer (1992). De wiekslag van hun geest. De Leidse universiteit in de negentiende eeuw. Stichting Hollandse Historische Reeks.
- Geen index op onderwerp.
- Van belang is dat Otterspeer aangeeft (p. 447) dat er in de 19e eeuw discussie is geweest over hoe het onderwijs te regelen: door de examens te specificeren, of juist het vakkenpakket? Ook gaat hij in op professies en professie-vorming (p. 437 e.v.).
- p. 306: in 1839 examineren nog in het Latijn p. 308-9: disputen. Die van Cobet, waarover meer details bekend zijn, zie verwijzing in noot 43: H. J. de Jonge (1981). Kuyper en de disputaties geleid door Cobet. Gereformeerd Theologisch Tijdschrift, 81, 22-35. p. 315 2e a. Bake: “ieder zijnen stand” De universiteit werd niet bezocht om een beroep te leren, maar om een stijl te verwerven. Iedere afdeling van wetenschap was ‘eene rijke bron van die zelf-kennis en verhevene geestbeschaving, die het hoogste doel is van elke studie’.” (Otterspeer citeert Bake, 1828)
- p. 317 onderaan: examen per college(serie)? Dus eigenlijk tentamens? Maar dat woord gebruikt Otterspeer niet.
- p. 332-3 De Alles Over Onderwijs Gids van het Leidse Studenten Corps!
- p. 333 2e a. iudicium, een zeldzame passage waarin iets van het examineren onthuld wordt: “In datzelfde jaar hadden de studenten, nu speciaal van de letterenfaculteit, nog een aanvaring met Cobet. Het betrof het iudicium, het oordeel over de wijze waarop de student het examen had afgelegd. Sedert 1826 dienden de professoren ‘volgens hunne gemoedelijke overtuiging’ te bepalen of een student ‘simpliciter’, ‘non sine laude’ dan wel ‘cum laude’ de ondervraging doorstaan had. De studenten waren er niet van overtuigd dat de graden de bekwaamheid van de student weerspiegelden. Het simpliciter was hun een vloek die menig avond op de sociëteit vergalde. ‘Le tout tient aux caprices de deux ou trois bipèdes sans plumes’, schamperde een mixed-pickle uit 1852. Sedert die tijd was het, met name bij examens in de letterenfaculteit, een aantal malen voorgevallen, dat sommige studenten tijdens of na afloop van het examen, dat wil zeggen tijdens een openbare zitting van de faculteit, door fluiten of scheldwoorden hun ongenoegen met het gegeven iudicium uitten.”
- p. 351 examens
- p. 376 repetitoren!
- p. 382 2e a. 'zware examens’ ‘examendwang’ p. 383 2e a. idem
- p. 385 2e a.
- p. 404 1e a. klacht van Fruin, in '78.
- p. 405 Tydeman schets van onderwijs vóór 1815 p. 406 4e a. examen en testimoniumcolleges onderscheiden. p. 406 laatste a. kandidaats letteren als verplichte propedeuse voor theologie, geneeskunde etc. p. 407 exameneisen. 412 de warehouse hypothese van Frijhoff staat op zijn p. 125! 421 numerieke rendementen 437 4e & 5e a. professionalisering: bescherming van de eigen markt. 437 e.v. over professies, o.a. 442 e.v. staatsexamens voor de advocatuur? 447 hier een cruciaal stuk over examens en opsomming van vakken (of juist de keuze daartussen) in wetgeving 449 onderaan: Otterspeer karakteriseert de examinering voor juristen/theologen als 'welwillend' gezien de numerieke rendementen!
Norton Smith, Richard Norton Smith (1986). The Harvard century. The making of a university to a nation. Simon and Schuster. isbn 0671460358
p. 25: "On an 1861 visit the English novelist Anthony Trollope was surprised to find that Harvard had no final examinations, as in his own land, no degrees conferring special honor, no 'firsts,' and no 'senior opts.' \ p. 37 "In 1869 the institution was a university in name only. (…) At the law school, diplomas were little more than certificates of residence. The medical school required no college training for admission; it routinely handed out the license to cure or kill after a year of desultory studies. William James' final examination consisted of a single question put to him by Oliver Wendell Holmes. "If you can answer that," Holmes informed the succesful applicant, "you can answer anything! Now tell me about your family and how things are at home."
Journal of Educational Measurement Summer 2010, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 150–174
How Often Do Subscores Have Added Value? Results from Operational and Simulated Data
Sandip Sinharay
Jan Drentje (9 juni 2012). Tegen onbevoegde leraren helpen strengere examens niet. De Volkskrant
- Leuk stuk. Er wordt heel wat beweerd, en waarschijnlijk terecht. Maar omdat Drentje geen bronnen aanreikt, kan ik niets met dit stuk.
Schachter, S. (1963). Birth order, eminence and higher education. American Sociological Review. abstract
“Whatever the explanation, the drift of data is clear. The repeated finding of a surplus of first-borns among eminent scholars appears to have nothing to do with any direct relationship of birth order to eminence, but is simply a reflection of the the fact that scholars, eminent or not, derive from a college population in which first-borns are in marked surplus.”
Kangmin Zeng (1995). Japan’s dragon gate: the effects of university entrance examinations on the educational system and students. Compare, 25, 59-84. abstract
- p. 70 jukensenso; examination war.
- p. 72 e.v. een onderbouwde uiteenzetting over test anxiety als motiverende factor, ipv zoals in Amerika een debiliterende.
. . . why is it that test anxiety might generate such different effects? This question, I think, is partly related to the differnce in value and belief systems, especially effort versus ability. In Confucia epistemology, knowledge does not come with birth, and one has to learn to know.
p. 74; Test-taking is a multivariate matter, involving many unpredictable factors, ( . . . ) For something as fateful and chancy as this, people often call on sacred forces for help. ... Kandoko is best known as the God of Entrance Examinations. Idolisation of kandoko epitomises an early rpototype of japanese values in scholastic excellence and, above all, meritocracy.
- p. 76 Goede passage 'from motivation to achievement.' Zeng noemt een aantal studies die verband laten zien tussen huiswerk en prestaties: Passow et al 1976, Paschal et al 1984 (meta-analysis?), [Passow en Paschal komen niet in de bibliografie van het artikel voor!] Cooper (1989), Keith (1982) (using data High School and Beyond), Tymms & Fitz-Gibbon, 1992), NAEP, 1990)
The startling fact remains, however, that ‘more than two-thirds (71%) of the high-school seniors typically do one hour or less of homework each day.’
p. 77: In Japan, from 1970 to 1990, average school hours per day increased in both elementary school (from 7.03 o 7.14 hours) and middle school (from 8.49 to 9.08hours). But school hours lessened for: high-school (from 8.54 to 8.06 hours) and college (from 5.17 to 4.55 hours). Meanwhile, time spent on academic study out of school increased slightly at all levels, but remained at about more than 2 hours (Monday-Sunday) for middle and high-school pupils, and over 1 hour for elementary school and college students. ( . . . ) In the current discussion on the proposed 5-day schooling, many believed that a free Saturday would inevitably lead to an intensification of study at juku (Fujita, 1993). However, emancipated from the war of entrance examination, college students exert all their effort on recreation and alubetos (part-time jobs) rather than on academic work. (NHK Census Bureau, 1992).
Our investigation has a long way to go toward interpreting the fundamental nature and character of the university entrance examination system in Japan. Yet, depending on the quality of the statistical source, it is fair to assert from above that college students were selected from a reasonably broad socio-economic base. With all the negative consequences of the entrance examinations, the fact of the matter remains that many children from the lowest-income families earned their socio-academic success through JFSAT, especially in the national and public universities. What is portrayed in the general configuration is a system that allowed changes in students composition in favour of 'poor students'.
from the concluding remarks, p. 79-80.
Ulrich Teichler (1992). Equality of opportunity in education and career: Japan seen in an international perspective. Oxford Review of Education, 18, 283-296.
abstract
NRC (11 april 2012). School mag leerlingen examen niet weigeren. NRC blz. 7
Een school mag slecht presterende leerlingen niet verbieden om eindexamen te doen om zo haar slagingspercentage op te poetsen. Onderwijsinstellingen die dat doen, kunnen rekenen op een bezoek van de inspectie. Dat heeft minister Van Bijsterveldt (Onderwijs, CDA) gisteren gezegd in de Tweede kamer.
John H. Bishop (1995). The impact of curriculum-based external examinations on school priorities and student learning. International Journal of Educational Research, 23 (8), 653-752. abstract
- Een monografie met prikkelende titels van de afzonderlijke hoofdstukken:
An economic theory of the effects of peer pressure and rewards for learning on school priorities, student effort and achievement. The impact of the payoff to college and the selectivity of college admissions on effort and achievement in high school. When curriculum-based examinations are absent, what happens to academic standards, incentives and achievement in the United states? Testing for backwash effects of examination systems: international comparisons. New York State vs. the rest of the United States. Mathematics and science achievement in Canada: comparing provinces. Case study of England, Scotland, France, The Netherlands and the United States.
Drs. H.F. Monkhorst (1961 3e). Verzameling van examenopgaven III, voor leerkrachten Nijverheidsonderwijs. J.B. Wolters; 3e druk 1961 abstract
C. W. Valentine (1932). The Reliability of Examinations. An Enquiry. London: University of London Press.
abstract
Max A. Eckstein and Harold J. Noah (Eds.) (1992). Examinations: comparative and international studies. Oxford: Pergamon Press. isbn 0080410316 [inserted: Margaret B. Sutherland (1995). Examining comparisons. (Review article) Oxford Review of Education, 21, 239-245. reviews Secondary school examinations. (fc) & Macha Séry (1996). Le bac: une loterie? La docimologie et ses alés. Le Monde de l'Éducation, juin, 38-39. ]
- a/o/:
- Noah, & Eckstein: Comparing national systems of secondary school leaving examinations. 3-23
- Peter Frost: Tinkering with hell: Efforts to eform current Japanese university entrance examinations 25-32
- Ingemar Fägerlind: Beyond examinations: The Swedish experience and lessons for other nations 79-87
- Stephen P. Heyneman & Angela W. Ransom: Using examinations and testing to improve educational quality 105-120
Hentig, Hartmut von Hentig (1980). Die Krise des Abiturs und eine Alternative. Klett-Cotta. Stuttgart, Ernst Klett. isbn 3129332405
Bildung. Duits onderwijsstelsel. De school van Hentig is een bijzondere: combineert laatste jaren vo met eerste jaren ho, een naadloze overgang dus. Dat experiment gaat gepaard met heel wat correpondentie met overheden.
Edgeworth, F. V. (1888) The statistics of examinations. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 51, 599-635 JSTOR read online free
F. Y. Edgeworth (1890). The element of chance in competitive examinations. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 43, 460-475, 644-663 JSTOR read online free, 644-63 JSTOR read online free
J. de Vries, J. Griffioen, R. Vos & A. C. de Geus (Red.) (1971). Voorwerp van aanhoudende zorg. Een bundel artikelen over het vak Nederlands in het voortgezet onderwijs. Muusses. isbn 9023170687 abstract
- W. J. C. Buitendijk: Het eindexamen Nederlands in het kader van het voorbereidend wetenschappelijk onderwijs. 111-118
P. van Rijn, A. Béguin & H. Verstralen (2009). Zakken of slagen? De nauwkeurigheid van examenuitslagen in het voortgezet onderwijs. Pedagogische Studiën, 86, 185-195.
abstract
Robert F. van Naerssen (1978). A systems approach to examinations. Annals of Systems Research, 6, 63-72. scan
Naerssen, R. F. van (1967). Memorandum AET-213 fc Compensatorische versus conjunctieve selectie: een betrouwbaarheidsvergelijking In een vorig Memorandum (AET-212) heb ik aangetoond, dat, wil men niet een ware slachting aanbrengen onder de eerstejaars, men per vak slechts een gering percentage kan afwijzer., Dat wil zeggen dat ook vele personen, die volgens de docent beslist onvoldoende gehaald hebben, er door gesleept moeten worden. Dit wordt veelal over het hoofd gezien door die docentenvoorstanders van conjunctieve selectie, die als naar voren brengen, dat het beslist noodzakelijk is dat de studenten in hun vak een voldoende halen en dat het daarom óngewenst is dat de selectie compensatorisch geschiedt. (reeks memoranda 212-214. De Groot heeft ernstige bezwaren, zie memo 218).
R. F. van Naerssen (1971). Het mondelinge examen als sekwentiële beslissingsprocedure. Nederlands Tijdschrift voor de Psychologie, 26, 568-579. [hardcopy ] Omstandigheden waarin het mondeling de voorkeur verdient.
Naerssen, R. F. van (1977). Moeite en Tijd bij Conjunctieve en Compensatorische Combinatie van Twee Toetsen. Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsresearch. abstract Effort ond study time in conjunctive vs compensatory combination of two achievement tests. The purpose of this investigation is to show how an examination model which seeks to minirnize student study time (van Naerssen 1976b), in conjunction with a Monte Carlo method, heips to solve hitherto unsolvable problems. The expected effort (study time) when tests are combined in a compensatory manner is central to the study, The situation of a student who has to reach a minimum score (ms) for the combination of two tests is simulated. At every test administration he may choose either of the tests -- one strategy is to choose tbc test with the lower score - until he reaches the ms. The student always aims at the optimal ability level with the lowest expected total effort. Scores are generated with the binomial distribution of errors and random numbers. The program calculates total effort and number of trials before the student succeeds, as well as the means and standard deviations of groups of 100 persons. The compensatory metbod is compared with one test of the total subject matter, of the same and of double length, and with tbc conjunctive combination of the two tests. The compensatory method scems to require the least effort, even when the ms is ralsed one point to equalize the mean scores of the methods. Probleem Hoewel de vergelijking van conjunctieve en compensatorische combinatie van twee tests enige tijd in de belangstelling heeft gestaan - bijv. Cronbach en Gleser 1957, 1965, Lord 1963, van Naerssen 1966 - betrof het steeds een vergelijking van de totale utiliteit of betrouwbaarheid van de combinatie. Hier gaat het echter om een vergelijking van de moeite (tijd) die het de student kost om door de combinatie van tests te komen. Daar die moeite afhangt van de 'strategie' van de student wordt aangenomen dat deze de optimale strategie volgt. Daarom wordt gebruik gemaakt van het (derde) Tentamenmodel. Daar dit onlangs in dit tijdschrift beschreven werd (van Naerssen 1976b) kan een beschrijving hier achterwege blijven. Moeite en tijd bij de conjuctieve methode kunnen eenvoudig berekend worden met de in het genoemde artikel beschreven methode (waarmee toen het probleem werd opgelost tot hoever de minimum-voldoende-score (mvs) moet worden verhoogd opdat het optimale vaardigheidsniveau t constant blijft als het aantal tentamengelegenheden per jaar verhoogd wordt). Het gaat nu vooral om het probleem van de compensatorische methode, dat tot nog toe wegens de gecompliceerdheid niet werd aangevat. De moeilijkheid zit hierin dat de optimale strategie van de student bij de voorbereiding van de tweede toets afhankelijk is van de gedeeltelijk van het 'toeval' afhankelijke score op de eerste toets.
Niels H. Veldhuijzen (1980). Difficulties with difficulties. On the betabinomial model. Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsresearch, 5, 145-146.
online
Shows that equal item difficulties are not required for the beta-binomial model to hold.
Andries Postma (maart 1998). Juridische aspecten van examens. Th&ma 35-36.
abstract
https://www.tweedekamer.nl/kamerstukken/brieven_regering/detail?id=2016D45765&did=2016D45765
SLO Taalprofielen 2015 Herziene versie van Taalprofielen 2004 pdf
Rothblatt Sheldon (1974). The student sub-culture and the examination system in early 19th century Oxbridge. In Lawrence Stone, (1974). The university in society (p. 247-304). Princeton University Press. abstract
Rothblatt doet heel erg moeilijk over het ontstaan van de vernieuwingen, in het bjzonder de nieuwe vorm van examineren, in de 18e eeuw. Opmerkelijk is dan dat in de eerste bladzijden van zijn geschiedenis Peter Searle onomwonden stelt dat het een kwestie van honoreren van verdienste is geweest, door fellowships te koppelen aan de beste prestaties op de tripos. Dat vergt dus nog wat nadere studie, en bijv. de vraag beantwoorden of Rothblatt er in zijn boek uit 1997 nog even aarzelend over is.
p. 280: At Oxford and Cambridge different kinds of examinations superseded the older scholastic disputations and exercises, acts and opponencies, which had dragged their tedious length through the 18th century. Historians have long been intrigued by whit appears to be one of the few efforts to move the Georgian universities in a serious direction, but no one has yet brought us very close to the purpose behind the change. The precise origins of the famous Senate House examinations at Cambridge and the statute of 1801 at Oxford remain as obscure as ever. It is naturally hard to pin down a change as evolutionary as the development of the Cambridge mathematical tripos, but even at Oxford, where the leading personalities behind the reforms are well known to us, nothing specific can be gathered from the spare accounts we have. An age such as our own is tempted to explain the origins of educational innovations according to its own experience. Not surprisingly, therefore, it has recently been suggested that the object of both examinations was to "raise and standardize performance." [A. V. judges, "The Evolution of Examinations," in The World Year Book of Education (London 1969), 23] While this explanation may even make sense for certain historical periods other than our won, it is not necessarily a satisfactory interpretation of the reasons behind the earlier reforms.-We cannot accept it without serious review. Surely the basic questions to be asked are why is it important to raise and standardize performance and what is to be gained by doing so? The modern rationale for examinations is based on three distinct but interrelated assumptions: (1) that examinations discover and encourage merit or achievement; (2) that merit can be measured,
p. 281: either comparatively through competition or absolutely; (3) that merit must be discovered, encouraged, and measured because only by these means can talent be correctly allocated among existing occupations or career opportunities. The third point is absolutely central to the meritocratic ideal. It has given rise to a theory frequently employed by social historians that examinations principally benefit a group or class rising in status and income and searching for means of extending its social and economic opportunities. A reverse theory is sometimes used which states that examinations or educational innovations sometimes benefit a group or class confronted by declining social and economic opportunities and desirous of holding off impending calamity. The three assumptions and several theories have a certain validity if carefully qualified when applied to the passage of the great civil service reforms of the mid-Victorian period. It makes a certain sense to speak of these reforms as embodying the principle of the career open to talent. But how far can the conventional explanation of the rise of the merit ideal be applied to the much earlier period when the Oxford examination system was in its infancy and the much older Cambridge tripos still in a state of development? To prove that the meritocratic ideal was the motive behind the reforms we would need to have a more solid grasp of certain historical variables. We would have to know, for example, the extent to which success in the Oxbridge examinations yielded definite valuable rewards and recognition both within the universities and outside of them. There is some evidence to suppose that as the igth century advanced a high ranking in the tripos order of merit nearly guaranteed a college fellowship at Cambridge. At Oxford this is less certain. There are colleges, Oriel in the 1820s for example, where the results of the Oxford public examinations were emphatically rejected as a suitable test of excellence for entry to the foundation. We must also remember that throughout the first part of the 18th century only a few financial awards of any kind were open to competition at either university; and even where they were, the majority of colleges showed a definite reluctance to pick candidates from outside their own walls. Instances may of course be cited where they did so; but even in these cases we can often find a denial that a precedent had been set. Only very large Cambridge colleges like Trinity and St. John's could produce a long list of excellent fellowship candidates from among their own ranks, and even in these foundations the claims of seniority in determining the succession to fellowships had to be respected. So fellowships, lucrative distinctions imposing few obligations and an obvious objective for an ambitious young man with no prior career prospects, can hardly be considered automatic rewards for excellence in study in pre-Victorian Oxbridge. {maar vergelijk Searle over hetzelfde. in de eerste bladzijden van zijn Cambridge History, volume 3] The idea of reward- p. 282: ing merit was certainly present, even in the later 18th century, but not the circumstances that made its concrete realization possible. Until we know more about the pattern of fellowship allocation and the frequency with which fellowships turned over, however, we must keep open the possibility that examinations were a factor. Outside the universities inthose occupations where distinction may have been important, it was the degree rather than the quality of the degree that mattered. The College of Physicians, for example, limited its fellowships to Oxbridge B.A.'s. A university degree, let alone an honors degree, made little difference at the bar and none in the administration of government, either at home or overseas. The schools and the church are the institutions where degrees obviously counted, but not necessarily honors degrees; and in the distribution of preferments many considerations the antithesis of merit were at work. Patronage or nomination or various forms of sponsorship, no doubt intricate and defying simple generalization, were the important determinants for livings in the church as elsewhere. There is even some evidence that the higher ecclesiastical posts were less accessible to pure merit in the period of the French Revolution than earlier, making it less likely that examinations were valued for the doors they could open. It is possible that restricted opportunities for advancement within the church hierarchy increased the demand for college livings. Before we begin to speculate, however, we must know more than we do at present about changes in the number of available college livings. Were there increases, either through the purchase of advowsons by the colleges or through gifts and donations, or were existing livings substantially augmented in value? Until we calculate whether the total number of livings rose or fell or whether benefices increased or decreased in value, we cannot adequately assess the effect examinations may have had on the career aspirations of undergraduates or the influence changes in employment opportunities may have had on the decision to strengthen examinations. Furthermore, any study of college livings inevitably returns us to the fellowship system, for fellowships determined the succession to college livings. There is, therefore, a considerable amount of work yet to be done on the problem of job opportunities for the various categories of Oxbridge undergraduate in the early 18th century before we can relate the growth of examination systems to the demand for better-prepared graduates. Unquestionably we can expect to find instances in which a "good degree" was a decided asset. Very likely the closer we come to 1850 the more we may find that there is a rising curve of correlation between the honors student and recruitment to elite positions. But in 1800 or 1810 or 1825 this could not have been the case. The merito- cratic ideal does not help us find the roots of the famous examination systems. The undergraduate in search of a career was far more interested in making contacts, in finding friends whose families wielded influence and patronage or were in a position to make powerful recommendations. A reputation for ability earned at the university might bring and no doubt did bring talent to the attention of those who could dispose of it; but merit had to be accommodated within the existing network of patrons and sponsors. Perhaps this is the way in which the problem should be seen. If it is not possible, given the evidence currently at hand, to connect the origins and growth of competitive examinations to changes in the occupational structure of English society in the later Georgian period, it is equally impossible to use the theories of rising or falling social mobility. There is no major new or old class or status group in the undergraduate population which is desirous of opening opportunities for itself or feels its position in the social structure threatened by changes in the society as a whole. That there were individuals who attempted to extend their career opportunities does not invalidate this point. If we use income rather than social class as the operative variable, interesting results might emerge as the two are not necessarily synonymous. But we are not yet in a position to offer generalizations based on detailed estimates of the family income of members of the undergraduate community, especially the changes in family circumstances which undoubtedly occurred. At this time we must seek other explanations for the reasons behind the famous reforms, explanations that will not necessarily exclude conclusions derived from detailed studies of career opportunities. We must approach the problem in a different way, looking inward as well as outward. We must try to recapture the beliefs of the dons mainly responsible for the changes, explaining to the extent the surviving evidence will allow the motives and circumstances behind the examinations and especially the institutional and historical context in which they set roots and grew. We must then turn to the examinations themselves, showing how their internal characteristics yield further evidence for the reasons behind their revival. Finally we must return to the undergraduates. They were after all the ones who were expected to sit the examinations and in fact did so, reluctantly at first but in rapidly increasing numbers. We shall find that undergraduates who complained incessantly about their teachers and about the restrictions of the old college system did not protest against the necessity for tests, even when they had reservations about the manner in which the examinations were administered. The nearly universal acceptance of the principle of competitive examinations by undergraduates is a surprise
p. 288: in hall before the president and seniority every term. 114 At Trinity College, Cambridge, an entrance exaniiination was started in 18io, although the examination was not competitive and certain categories of students were exempted. Also at Trinity a decade later third-year students were required to take a special examination. This meant that students at Trinity now had to take an examination every year, for it had long been the practice to require them of first anj second-year students." At Cambridge in 1824 another university examination was started for all second-vear students and at the same time a second tripos examination, this one in classics, began. In the second half of the iSth century Oxford offered two chancellor's medals for Latin verse and an English essay, and in 18 1 o a third medal for a Latin essay was instituted. In 1817 the Craven Scholarship of the university was opened to competition, the money having previously been claimed by founder's kin. In both universities in the first third of the igth century this kind of activity multiplied., miscellaneous exercises, themes, decl;mations were available for competition, and various kinds of minor but not insignificant rewards for academic success became commonplace as efforts were made to improve the academic tone and reputation of the ancient universities. Numerous opportunities still existed for evading serious academic work, and several colleges, King's College, Carnbridge, being one, held onto ancient privileges which excused their students from university examinations. However, by 1830, there could be no doubt that both universities had attempted ~o reduce the nurnber of their historical failings, and if this attempt was not generally recognized in the public press, it was because undergraduates seem(~ in some respects to be more independent than ever before.
VIII In order to understand the connection between the systems of university-level examinations at Oxford and Cambridge and the attitude of dons toward the independent student it is necessary to discuss the characteristics of the new exercises. The fact that new examinations were founded is in itself a landmark but is not sufficient to explain why the examinations developed in a particular direction. It is necessary for a moment to return to the scholastic disputations which both the tripos and literae kumaniores ("greats") and mathematical exaniinations of Oxford superseded. While the new examinations were eventually to go off into an entirely new direction, they were in the beginning influenced by the disputations in several important ways. The disputations were debates according to the rules of scholastic note 84 W. C. Costin, The History of St. John's College, Oxford (Oxford 1958), 24;_ note 85Ball, Trinity Notes, 143.
p. 302: The changes occurring in the universities should be recognized as striking cultural achievements. They did not just happen. The examinations did not merely slip into the unreformed universities. They were not simply a change in educitional policy. They required whole ranges of adjustment in values and behavior, the imposition of self-discipline, for example, in a society who governing élites were accustomed to free time and free schedules. In historical perspective the examinations were a major innovation, and the first third of the 19th century deserves a unique place in the history of the ancient universities.
p. 289 logic. The object was to find some fallacy in the argument of an opponent, some technicality by which he could be stopped. There was naturally some incidental testing of knowledge, since the syllogisms depended upon an acquaintance with traditional authorities, but it was the debate more than the knowledge that commanded interest. A debate implied a winner or a loser, and there was consequently an element of competition in the old exercises. A debate also implied an audience. Hence the disputations were called public examinations, and the disputants were encouraged to perform. Winning the dispute was important, but winning in front of an audience, especially an animated audience, was exhilarating, A good wrangle excited curiosity and interest. Losing the debate was a public embarrassment and could in no way be concealed. (86) By the middle of the 18th century the disputations at both universities had deteriorated because students did not take them seriously, and the universities did not insist upon adequate preparation. The disputations themselves had become so formalized that answers could be virtually rehearsed and all possible responses reduced to a few working formulas. Even this required some attention, however. As there were numerous undergraduates who did not even bother to rehearse, various kinds of cheating went on. The story circulated at Cambridge that one teacher devised a means of signaling answers to his pupil from the audience by the way he opened, buttoned, or threw back his coat. (87) Even if the story is spurious, it makes a point. An early Oxford critic, John Napleton, Fellow of Brasenose, appreciated the features of the disputation and advocated reviving the form in the 1770s. He was especially interested in the practice of having disputants argue in public. A debate in front of a group of fellow undergraduates and dons, he thought, enabled the university to encourage industry and expose indolence.88 The scholastic examinations were supposed to have done that, but moderators had corrupted the system by preventing matches between men of unequal ability or different habits of work.119 What was required as an antidote to the endemic laziness of students was an appeal to lofty values such as public honor, or the threat of its opposite, public disgrace. Napleton's thinking was perfectly in keeping with the ideology of high Georgian neoclassical culture with its emphasis on appearance, note 86 6 Henry Latham, On the Action of Examinations Considered as a Means of Selection (Cambridge 1877
integraal online), 985, has some interesting remarks along these lines. note 87 The Book of the Cambridge Review, 1879-1897 (Cambridge 1898), 145. note 88 John Napleton, Considerations on the Public Exercises for the First and Second Degrees in the University of Oxford 0773), 24, 45-46, 12. note 99 Winstanley, 45.
p. 290: style, and manner. For at least half a century writers, publicists, and satirists had attempted to raise the level of social behavior by emphasizing the ideals of reputation, honor, and virtue and by repeating constantly the favorite maxims and sentiments of great Roman moralists of the rhetorical tradition. The appeal of their writings lay in the connections that could be made between appearance and virtue and the ease with which the higher qualities praised in antiquity could be passed off as manners. Certainly style and a little Tully were useful in disguising the pervasive realities of Georgian social and political life, the world of connections, special arrangements, self-interest, and nepotism. Napleton's proposals were part of the reforming spirit of the 17705 that included the Feathers Tavern antisubscription movement and examination controversy at Cambridge. They did not carry far in his own time, however. The new examination statute at Oxford nevertheless proved that the influence of the disputations was not altogether absent. The new examinations were primarily viva voce. Although written parts were added a few years later, the examinations remained basically public and took place, as a critic of 1827 reported, before a large body of spectators. (90) At Cambridge the old disputations lingered on side by side with the newer tripos until 18 3 9, with a good dispute occurring only every now and then. While by statute only the disputations were required for a B.A., in practice the tripos became indispensable as early as 1790. Even in 1763 the disputations were really no more than a sorting out procedure for the tripos to decide who was to compete for distinctions in the final round. Like the Oxford examinations the tripos had been oral in the first decades of its existence. After 177o all questions were dictated orally but answers had to be written down while examiners paused between questions so that students could finish their writing. Theoretically examiners were empowered to ask oral questions until 1827 when new regulations turned the tripos, both questions and answers, into a completely written examination in theory as well as practice?' Gradually, but only gradually, the Oxford examinations followed the path of the tripos and became mainly written examinations. In the early 1830s the B.A, part of the examinations required five days of writing and only one day of viva voce examining. This change was note 90 Thomas Vowler Short, A Letter Addressed to the Very Reverend the Dean of Cbrist Cbureb on the State of the Public Examinations in the University of Oxford (Oxford 1822), 16. note 91 Ball, Matbematical Tripos, 180-2 14, and Cambridge Papers (London i o 18) 2 S 2316; Winstanley, Early Victorian Cambridge (Cambridge 1955), 149-52.
p. 291: partly the result of what a perceptive Victorian called the tendency of examiners to introduce modifications to suit their own convenience. "Greats" was an examination in many subjects, and the range was far too extensive for most exarm'ners, especially in the days of oral examining. It was easier to evaluate a written examination, especially if the number of subjects was litnited. (92) There were other considerations, however, besides the internal development that pushed the Oxford and Cambridge examinations in a direction different from their origin. The first was the same reason that made dons suspicious of the new debating societies, the desire to avoid controversy. This was a distinct departure from the spirit of the old disputations. A vigorous dispute was exactly what spectators wished to hear. But in the first third of the igth century dons were afraid the wrangles would be over controversial political and religious questions. Napleton had concerned himself with this difficulty. He speculated that the disputations had been successful in past centuries because books were in short supply and therefore knowledge was uncertain. Students went to hear a dispute not only to experience vicariously the joys of combat but also to learn. Napleton more than hinted that in his own time knowledge was no longer uncertain. All the essential answers to great philosophical and religious questions were known. Hence fresh answers were not to be expected, and controversy was unnecessary? (93) Georgian sentiment on the question of original knowledge, while never rigid, nevertheless leaned in Napleton's direction. While there was great and confusing discussion concerning whether it was possible to be original, whether gemius could exist without rules and whether rules followed nature, the general tendency in literary, artistic, and academic circles was to regard knowledge as foreknown or received. Originality was not valued per se but had to depend upon imitation. Of classical origin, this artistic doctrine of course permitted considerable variety. As Sir Joshua Reynolds wrote, :the highly disciplined mind could be safely allowed to play on the edge of fancy. But undergraduates, whose faculties had yet to be disciplined and whose activities were suspicious, could hardly claim this intellectual privilege. Even among scientists, until the first part of the igth century, there was general agreement that absolute truth had been reached or was capable of being reached, even though here too it was possible to find differences of opinion on how real a mathematical theorem or proposition could be. Neoclassicism reinforced these general assumptions by the importance it attached to a few fundamental axioms of human be note 92 See Latharn and also W. R. Ward, Victorian Oxford, 56~57. note 93 Napleton, 17.
p. 292 havior and the respect paid ancient writers for having perceived universal principles in all areas of civilized endeavor. The net conclusion of Georgian thinking on the nature of knowledge was to regard it as more closed than open and to discourage students, especially in times of national and international disturbance, from too much speculation and free-thinking. William Hazlitt's essays of the early 1820s, wherein genius was defined as "exclusive and self-willed, quaint and peculiar," and originality as "the discovery of new and valuable truth," open a door, if not the very first door so to be opened, onto another and to us familiar world .94 Copleston, who as a tutor at Oriel actively supported Eveleigh's reforms, unequivocally believed that received knowledge alone constituted a university education. It was less important, he thought, to produce a few great minds "exploring untrodden regions" than to turn out "an annual supply of men, whose minds are . . . impressed with what we hold to be the soundest principles of policy and religion." Copleston denied that he was adamantly opposed to discovery and experiment, but he did not think they were appropriate to a university. "Let the experiments be tried, and repeatedly tried, in some insignificant spot, some corner of the farm: but let us not risk the whole harvest of the year upon a doubtful project." In religion there were no discoveries whatsoever to be made. "The scheme of Revelation we think is closed, and we expect no new light on earth to break in upon us. (95) Another Oxonian, although not a don, repeated these sentiments in a milder tone in 1810. Commenting upon the university curriculum, he observed that as there was little time at the university to teach anything but the rudiments of knowledge, it was important "to teach, in the first place, those old and established principles that are beyond the reach of controversy." 96 On this great educational question the opinions of Cambridge men were indistinguishable from those of Oxonians. A famous senior wrangler, Frederick Pollock, looking back from 1869 to his Cambridge experiences in 1806, thought that -latterly the Cambridge examinations seem to turn upon very different matters from what prevailed in my time. 1 think a Cambridge education has for its object to make good members of society-not to extend science and make profound mathematicians."(91) In 1821 an obscure, well-intentioned gentleman wrote to the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge proposing to found two annual prizes to be awarded to two bachelors who note 94 William Hazlitt, Selected Essays, ed. J. R. Nabholtz (New York 1970), 3 2, 38. note 95 Copleston, 150-52. note 96 Henry Home Drummond, Observations Suggested by the Strictures of the Edinburgb Review upon Oxford ... (Edinburgh 1810), 17. note 97 Ball, Matbematical Tripos, 113.
p. 293: passed the best examination in four works of religion and theology: the Bible, the Homilies of the Church of England, Bishop Pearson on the Creed, and Burnet's abridgment of his own history of the Reformation. "In fixing on the forementioned Books 1 have endeavoured to select such as are altogether unobjectionable."" Finally Latham, in surveying the history of examinations in England, understood the dislike of questions that allowed interpretive answers when he remarked that ethics disappeared as a tripos subject in the first part of the igth century because it left too much room for varieties of opinion. (99) The desire to reduce the area of controversy that an examination might provoke was one of the main reasons tlic examinations ceased to be oral and became written. Historians usually associate the growth of written examinations with the preference for more rigorous and ob)ective examinations. In the written examination, especially if it is taken anonymously, external considerations like personallty"and manner do not influence the outcome. Nor is the examiner allowed to favor candidates from certain colleges or introduce pet topics without warning, as was happening at Oxford in the 1820s.(100) It should now be apparent why a conclusion that the object of the new examinations was to "raise and standardize performance," if routinely correct, is also insufficient. It should also be apparent that there is no contradiction between the search for objectivity and the desire to reduce controversy. The supporters of the examination system earnestly desired to improve the standard of undergraduate achievement. The way to do so was to devise a test of excellence immediately recog111zable. This meant that the way to achieve a more accurate and certain means of evaluating a student's work was to narrow the range of likely disagreement and carefully define the area of knowledge students were expected to know. It is interesting to observe that once this decision was reached, certain famous innovations converuently encouraged the trend. Technical changes permitting greater precision of reasoning, like the new analytical mathematics at Cambridge, were applicable only to written examinations. As Whewell complained in the i 840s, the continental notation was unsuited to oral examining. (101) There were other reasons to explain why written examinations were preferred to viva voce ones. It could be arguedand was-that not only was a greater degree of fairness and accuracy possible in evaluating written answers, but that the entire examination experience was positive rather than negative. In the written examination a student was note 98 Cambridge Univ. Libr., Cam.a.500.5". note 99 Latham, 127-28. note 100 Short, iSn.; Ward, 58. note 101 William Whewell, Of a Liberal Education ... (London 1850), pt. 1, 186.
p. 294: examined only in what he knew, whereas in the viva his weaknesses were probed. There is no reason to suppose that this argument masks a more basic fear. It takes more than one opinion to support a change. There is a last important reason why written examinations in time supplanted oral ones, and that is the sheer number of undergraduates presenting themselves for the Schools. As matriculation levels rose and the examinations became a necessary trial for all ambitious students. the burden of examining increased. Whereas only a handful of Oxford students had to be examined orally in the first decade of the igth century, several hundred came forward in the I820S. What had been the work of only a few days became the weary effort of several months. Written examinations were the solution to this problem as they were. seen from a certain viewpoint, the answer to another. There is no conspiracy of dons at work, and no conspiracy theory intended by this analysis. It is not necessary to deny that there .,.-ere forthright educational motives behind the examination system in order to affirm that the examinations also performed a disciplinary function and were strongly regarded as essential instruments of socialization. Nor is it a question of mixed motives so much as entangled ones. Education was synonymous with discipline, indistinguishable from niefit conduct-not the first nor the last time in the history of teachingThroughout the second half of the i8th century reformers propowd educational changes in both universities with the problem of undergraduate indolence primarily in mind. Even Jebb, the most politicany radical of the reformers, spoke in conventional terms when he aimed his proposals mainly at the wealthiest students in Cambridge, that 15. by universal agreement the most idle. The Georgian academicians, living before the great knowledge revolution of the mid-igth century-, were satisfied if they could produce a particular sociomoral "-pc whose behavior could in some sense be guaranteed. This is the lesson that lies in the reading list Chatham sent his nephew, instructing him not to make additions to it. "I propose to save you much time and trouble, by pointing out to you such books ... as will carry you the shortest way to the things you must know to fit yourself for the business of the world, and give you the clearer knowledge of them, by keeping them unmixed with superfluous, vain, empty trash. " (102) With the coming of the French Revolution and the realization that learning was power, the task of university education took on a greater urgency. Augustan ide* were reinvigorated and given an added boost by the pervasive neo-classical revival. The possibilities of examinations were seen in a new light. The evolution of the written examination suited the reasoning of note 102 Letters Written by the Late Earl of Chatbam, 50-51.
p. 295: the times. To simply associate that reasoning with the search for objectivity is to misunderstand the prevailing academic temper and to ignore the cultural assumptions and historical circumstances of the period. At both universities the idea of a public examination before spectators or before examiners went out in the I830s, and a parallel trend, objective, noncontroversial examinations in written form, became the predominant mode of examining. This did not mean, however, that the idea of a public reward or a public shame completely disappeared as well. It merely took a new form. A different solution was found to the old problem of incentive. Students were no longer to be embarrassed in public, but neither was their fame or failure to be hidden under a bushel. The practice of printing the results of examinations and ranking students according to performance was a feature of the examinations almost from the start. Both universities adopted classes of performance, but Cambridge went even further and listed the results of each examination in strict order of merit for all the world to read and know. The examinations acquired their famous reputation for being competitive, and gradually a system of marks was introduced to hasten the trend toward severe and accurate appraisal.(103) Another point to consider in connection with changes in the form of examining at Oxford and Cambridge was the difficulty both universities experienced in trying to persuade students to take the new examinations. Napleton, who was writing at a time when the hard-working student was the butt and victim of other students, recognized the problem and suggested that examiners use variable standards in order not to humiliate obviously mediocre students.` In the earliest days of the new examinations, it was recognized that many students would never achieve a very high standard of performance either because they were stupid or indolent by nature or because they were so well connected and wealthy that virtue and reputation acquired through scholarship were of no consequence to them. Their careers were guaranteed and did not require academic success. For a long time it was known that most dents could be made to study for only negative reasons-what was known in utilitarian thinking as self-interest. This idea was already prese~nt in Paley's Cambridge and deeply offended a sensitive romantic like Wordsworth. 115 It also seemed to contradict note 103 Ball, Matbematical TripOS, 2 13. note 104 Napleton, 29. For the same reason the Gentleman's Mag. of 1782 proposed private examinations for students "having dull parts" (Haverfield, 430). note 105 The point of Schncider's book. See also A. W. Hare, A Letter to George Martin, Esq. (Oxford 1814), IS.
p. 296: the neoclassical idea of virtue being its own reward. Yet rewards and punishment were for dons the only realistic way of coping with the fact that most careers were still started by pationage, that founder's kin still had claims on certain emoluments and that most scholarships and fellowships were still restricted, although this dies not mean they were entirely noncompetitive.
A practical solution was devised to solve a problem that was otherwise beyond reach. Two different degree tracks were created for the two very different groups of undergraduates in the universities. The best or reading student would take an honors degree, and the weak or lazy student would study for an ordinary or poll degree, as would that occasional high-minded undergraduate who resented the narrow subject-concentration and ethos of expediency in the new examinations. At Cambridge the formal distinction between honors and an ordinary degree was introduced in 1828. At Oxford an honors category existed from the start. The usual method of distinguishing honors from passmen was to regard the lowest class as having taken a pass degree and to leave the names of these students off the printed list. Their public disgrace in the early years of the Oxford examinations took the form of not being mentioned. The distinctions between honors and ordinary students permitted examiners to concentrate on the better students and to make the honors schools or tripos as difficult and objective as seemed necessary to wipe out old rankling reproaches.
IX The developing tradition of the honors student joined with the trend toward sociability to produce yet another outstanding feature of the student life of the period, the reading and travel party. Circles of reading students organized to prepare for examinations, and famous friendships resulted. The reading set became one of the principal ways in which the late Georgian and early Victorian intelligentsia met and formed. The first of the rending and travel parties started at Cambridge around 1805, and we hear of the Oxford Cantabs by 1830. 106 Almost from the start the Cambridge students began the practice of going away to the Lakes or Scotland for study and companionship in more peaceful and what were regarded as more appropriate surroundings than the still rowdy universities. This was a new form of the grand tour, far less expensive, more romantic - a genuine retreat rather than mere retirement far away from the selfseeking and narrow-minded dons of the university. The Long Vacation and other breaks were spent away from the universities as studious undergraduates asserted note 106 Wordsworth, The Undergraduate, 189.
Rothblatt, Sheldon (1997). The modern university and its discontents. The fate of Newman’s legacies in Britain and America. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521453313. abstract
Bevat vooral bewerkingen van eerdere publicaties. Wat bij browsen opviel was de vrij oppervlakkige behandeling van de vraag naar de oorsprong en ontwikkeling van de vergelijkende examens in Cambridge. examens: xii, 16, 31-2, p. 32: "A third trait of the system led in a wholly different direction, more European one might say and less American, an effort at classroom quality control through the assignment of marks or grades per unit. This began in the last decades of the nineteenth century but seems to have been the subject of more widespread debate in the Progressive Era, a period of concerns about national efficiency and common standards, whether of weights and measures or of student achievement.” Hier ook interessante opmerkingen over het modulaire systeem, dus inclusief de vijstellende cijferbeoordeling daarvan, kennelijk: p. 32 " Modularity addressed ad solved an ancient educational problem: how to alter the undergraduate curriculum and admit new subjects into it. Modularity made this relatiely simple, since there was virtually no limit to the number of modules that could be added to a curriculum provided resources were available. Resources were stretched through the wide adoption of the lecture method of teaching, replacing the more labour-intensive tutorial or small group insruction. Changes could be introduced merely by having a single instructor alter the methods, scope and content of a course. This was more difficult to achieve in systems where terminal examinations and the separation of teaching and examining existed, if for no other reason than that these curricula were based on syllabi requiring committee approval, or because curricula and examination were set and administered from the outside by State agencies, as on the continent. Yet modules had their own drawbacks. Since academic standards varied from teacher to teacher, uniform quality control was awkward, requiring other egulatory devices: hearsay, student evaluations, peer review.” 147-69, p. 148: "Final honours schools at Oxford and the tripos examinations at Cambridge are famous throughout the world as model forms of meritocratic examining (...). Yet their precise origins remain obscure.” 179-181, 187ff, 189n, 195ff, 206ff. 229, 233; meritocracy 152-3, 181, 199, 211-20, 226-8, 306. Rothblatt lijkt zijn bijstellingen te baseren op literatuur die ik overigens wel ken, vooral Gascoigne 1984. De hoofdstukken zijn gebaseerd op eerdere publicaties, maar kennelijk wel uitgebreid. Wat over examens opviel was dat daar nogal wat anecdotisch materiaal in was verwerkt, maar daarvoor kan ik misschien veel beter terecht, althans wat Cambridge betreft, in de history van Searby.
Clark, B. R. (Editor, 1985). The school and the university. An international perspective. London: University of California Press. Over de verbindingen tussen secundair en tertiair onderwijs, in Frankrijk (Neave), Duitsland (Teichler), Engeland (Maden), Zweden (Ekholm), Japan (Cummings), China (Rosen), Zuid Amerika (Schiefelbein), Afrika (Foster), United States (Stocking). Bevat veel materiaal over toelatingsregelingen. '99
Burton R. Clark (1960). The 'cooling out' function in higher education. American Journal of Sociology, LXV, 569-576. Reprinted in Grusky, O., & Miller, G.A. (Eds.)(1970). The sociology of organizations. London: Collier Macmillan (The Free Press). 455-461. Reprinted in Halsey, A.H., Floud, J., & Anderson, C.A. (Editors)(1961). Education, economy, and society. A reader in the sociology of education, 513-525.
Tokyo medical school admits changing results to exclude women. University manipulated test scores for more than a decade to ensure more men became doctors. The Guardian Aug 8,2018
article
R. J. Montgomery (1965). Examinations, An account of their evolution as administrative devices in England. London: Longmans Green. abstract
John Roach (1971). Public Examinations in England 1850-1900. Cambridge UP. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309 [University Library Leiden Closed Stack 3 1923 E 36] info
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PART I - THE COMPETITIVE PRINCIPLE ESTABLISHED pp 1-2
- Patronage and competition pp 3-34
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.003
- Middle-class education pp 35-55
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.004
- Examinations and schools – to 1857 pp 56-74
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.005
PART II - THE OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE LOCALS AND NATIONAL EDUCATION, 1857–1900 pp 75-76
- Beginnings, 1857–1860 pp 77-102
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.006
- The education of women pp 103-135
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.007
- Secondary schools and their studies pp 136-163
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.008
- The examiners and the examined pp 164-188
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.009
PART III - THE PUBLIC CONTEXT, 1855–1900 pp 189-190
- The Civil Service Examinations: to 1870 pp 191-209
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.010
- The Civil Service Examinations: after 1870 pp 210-228
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.011
- School Examinations – from Taunton to Bryce pp 229-256
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.012
- Critics and criticisms pp 257-286
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.013
Testing Times A History of Vocational, Civil Service and Secondary Examinations in England since 1850.
Willis, Richard. author.
Rotterdam : SensePublishers : Imprint: SensePublishers
2013 [UBL online only]
Andrew T. Knudsen (2016). Profession, “performance”, and policy: teachers, examinations, and the state in England and Wales, 1846–1862. Pages 507-524 Paedagogica Historica International Journal of the History of Education Volume 52, 2016 https://doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2016.1167746
Andrew T. Knudsen (2016). Profession, “performance”, and policy: teachers, examinations, and the state in England and Wales, 1846–1862 Pages 507-524 | Paedagogica Historica International Journal of the History of Education Volume 52, 2016 https://doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2016.1167746
abstract
Ben Ost, Weixiang Pan, Doug Webber (2016). The Returns to College Persistence for Marginal Students: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from University Dismissal Policies. IZA Discussion Papers, No. 9799 open
#BSA
Stephen Machin, Sandra McNally and Jenifer Ruiz-Valenzuela (2017). Entry Through the Narrow Door: The Costs of Just Failing High Stakes Exams manuscript pdf
Twitter: via Harry Patrinos https://twitter.com/hpatrinos/status/1073275081202241536 An interesting analysis of exactly this kind of ‘just failing’ problem: Edgeworth 1888 ‘The statistics of examinations’ Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 51, 599-635. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2339898 Edgeworth concludes: no injustice done. I agree. It is an important observation by Edgeworth. Most or all psychometricians in the 20th and 21st centuries do not know how to handle this ‘just failed’ problem!
Examens? Dat kan ook anders!
pdf paywalled
W. Franke (1963). The reform and abolition of the traditional Chinese examination system. Cambridge UP. [UB Leiden] on annas_archive.org
Gewijzigde aanpak eindexamens vanwege het coronavirus. A. Slob, minister voor Basis- en Voortgezet Onderwijs en Media. I.K. van Engelshoven, minister van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap. download
Eric Maurin, Sandra McNally (2008). Vive la Révolution! Long-Term Educational Returns of 1968 to the Angry Students. Journal of Labor Economics, vol. 26 #1. open
Grabe, M. (1994). Motivational deficiencies when multiple examinations are allowed. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 19, 45-52. #mastery_learning #herkansen https://doi.org/10.1006/ceps.1994.1005 abstract & scihub pdf
- Leuk artikel, over vergelijking tussen gewone conditie waar er maar één enkele gelegenheid is om een bepaald tentamen af te leggen, en twee experimentele condities: herhaald afleggen toegestaan waarbij hoogst behaalde, resp. laatst behaalde resultaat telt. Merk op dat in de USA het herkansen van tentamens kennelijk niet gebruikelijk is! Kan ik dat bevestigd krijgen uit andere bronnen? Bevat uitstekend materiaal, zij het kwantitatief niet overtuigend, voor het tentamenmodel / ATM SPA. p. 46; For example, in some systems students schedule examinations when they feel prepared. When this type of flexibility is allowed, research has demonstrated serious difficulties with procrastination and related course withdrawals (Kulik et al, 1990). [Effectiveness of mastery learning programs: a meta-analysis. RER, 60, 265-299] Even when takenon specific dates, the fact that mastery systems allow students multiple opportunities to demonstrate competence can encourage less than optimal performance (Grabe, 1982). Students’ lives are complicated and other activities or other courses may be given priority when conflicting with preparation for a test in the mastery course. Rather than finding the necessary time to prepare for the examination, students may also try to get by and see if more work will be needed, Finally, students may take several examinations without additional preparation just to see if their scores might improve due to chance or change in examination difficulty. p. 50: Clearly, the goal of the typical student in the voluntary mastery systems is not to optimize course performance. Students attempted less than half of the available tests and in the case of students in the Best test condition performed at a significantly lower level on the initial examination attempts. Students do improve Course Segment performance through multiple examination attempts, but these multiple attempts end up providing only slightly better performance than conventional students were able to generate on their sigle attempt. p. 51 While the regressio analysis indicates that more capable students improved their scores to a greater degree when multiple tests were attempted, it is likely more able students more frequently found themselves in the situation of having an acceptable score. Evidently, the uncertainty of being able to replicate or improve their performance was threatening for the more able students. Unfortunately, this situation probably also means no further study effort was expended. tentamenmodel
Grabe, M. (1982). Effort strategies in a mastery instructional system: the quantification of effort and the impact of effort on achievement. ContEdPs, 7, 327. (It was demonstrated that the effort variables accounted for diferences in student achievement beyond the impact of differences in student aptitude) crm mastery fc weggedaan 9-99
Colin Harrison (1995): Youth and white paper: The politics of literacy assessment in the Unites Kingdom. English Journal, 84, 115-119. DOI: 10.2307/821065 JSTOR & scihub pdf (Colin Harrison sent me a copy, no need to keep it now that a pdf is available)
P. Gillijns & L. Verhoeven (1991). Naar een leerlingvolgsysteem voor het basisonderwijs. Pedagogische Studien 68, 216-230.
LVS
H.P.J. Kreeft, H.A. Moelands (1991). Examinering in het voortgezet onderwijs in vijf Europese landen; een studie naar vergelijkingsmogelijkheden van examenresultaten van Nederland, Engeland, Frankrijk, West-Duitsland en Zweden. Cito. Ter inzage bij de KB. Zie ook een artikel hierover in Didaktief mei 1991 , door Guido Joosen (voorlichter Cito).
Gedrukt boek
Dato N. M. de Gruyter (1985). Compromise models for establishing examination standards. APM, 22, 263-269. 10.1111/j.1745-3984.1985.tb01063.x abstract
Hofstee (1987). Kort extern advies aan de faculteit Geneeskunde naar aanleiding van het initieel propedeuserendement van het cohort 1986. fc/origineel in bak ex examenregeling
W. K. B. Hofstee (1970). Selektie van personen. Inaugurele rede. fc in bak ex sel.
Hofstee, W. K. B. (1973). Notitie n.a.v. de slaag-zak-grens bij Wijnen. NTvdPs, 28, 211-213. (methode Wijnen). fc in bak ex ces
W. K. B. Hofstee (1977?). Cesuurprobleem opgelost. Onderzoek van Onderwijs. fc in bak ex ces
Hofstee, W. K. B. (1973). Een alternatief voor normhandhaving bij toetsen. NTvdPs, 28, 215-227. fc in bak ex ces [Ik heb destijds geprobeerd de methode van Hofstee te begrijpen, maar blijkens de uitvoerige aantekening bij de fc van het artikel, is dat niet gelukt]
Hofstee, W. K. B. (1972). De Groot komt met beperkte maatregelen, niet met een cratief beleid. De Groene, 2-10-1972.
Hofstee, W. K. B. (1981). Een gebufferde oplossing voor het bepalen van de grens tussen voldoende en onvoldoende. Universiteit en Hogeschool, 28 (1, sept), 21-28. (niet online beschikbaar)
Hofstee, W. K. B. (1996). Het judicium abeundi: enkele kanttekeningen. Academia, 02, 1996, 16-19. [BSA Bindend StudieAdvies]
Hofstee, W. K. B. Hofstee (1996). Overtredingen van de maximumsnelheid. Meettechnische overwegingen bij arresten van de Hoge Raad. Nederlands Juristenblad, 29 maart 1996, aflevering 13, 494-495.
Hofstee, W. K. B. Psychologische uitspraken over personen; beoordeling, voorspelling, advies, test. Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, 1974.
Hofstee, W.K.B., & Zegers, F.E. (1991). Idiographic correlation: modeling judgments of agreement between school grades. TOR, 16, 331-336. gezien
Janke Cohen-Schotanus, Johanna Schönrock-Adema, A. J. J. A. Scherpbier (2005). Welk percentage gezakte studenten is bij een bepaalde toetsvorm nog acceptabel? De mening van NVMO-congresgangers
Tijdschrift voor Medisch Onderwijs 24(4):22-22 DOI: 10.1007/BF03056692
Dato N. M. de Gruijter and Ronald K. Hambleton (1984). On problems encountered using decision theory to set cutoff scores. APM, 8, 1-8.
- Zie ook Wim van der Linden (1984). Some thoughts on the use of decision theory to set cutoff scores: Comment on de Gruijter and Hambleton. Zie ook Dato N. M. de Gruijter (1986). Wijkende en zwalkende caesuren. TOR, 11, 47-48.
Huynh Huynh (1979). Budgetary consideration in setting mastery scores. [niet in Scholar, kennelijk dus niet gepubliceerd, of onder een iets andere titel?]
Huynh Huynh (1979). Bayesian and empirical Bayes approaches to setting test mastery scores. [niet in Scholar, kennelijk dus niet gepubliceerd, of onder een iets andere titel?]
Robert F. Naerssen (1974). Psychometrische aspecten van de kernitem methode. Nederlands Tijdschrift voor de Psychologie, 29, 421-430. Ik heb hier wat mee geexperimenteerd, en dat beschreven in een stuk voor Roelf Stutterheim (14-12-76), en waarschijnlijk ook corrspondentie gevoerd met Bob (14-12-76).
Naerssen, R. F. van A scale for the measurement of subjective probability. Acta Psychologica, 1962, 26, 159-166.
Naerssen, R. F. van (1970). Het nut van selectie, enkele voorbeelden. In Drenth, P. J. D., Willems, P. J., & de Wolff, Ch. J. Bedrijfspsychotogie; onderzoek en evatuatie. Kluwer, Van Loghum Slaterus, 1970. [gaat waarschijnlijk over zijn proefschriftonderzoek: selectie van chauffeurs]
Naerssen, R. F. van (1977). Moeite en tijd bij conjunctieve en compensatorische combinatie van twee toetsen. Tijdschrift voor onderwijsresearch, 2, 165-171.
[Wilbrink. Eigen aantekeningen bij bijdrage van Van Naerssen aan Onderwijscongres 1968. Het manuscript van drie kantjes in de bak ex regeling. ]
Lans & Mellenbergh (1967). Een onderzoek naar de methode van Nedelsky. AET-memorandum 181. in map ex ces
Wim J. van der Linden (1981). Using aptitude measurements for the optimal assignment of subjects to treatments with and without mastery scores. Psychometrika, 46, 257-274. pdf crm ATI dm Zie file t met annotaties
Linden, W.J. van der, & Mellenbergh, (1977). Optimal cutting scores using a linear loss function. APM, 1, 593-599. dm
June Barrow-Green (1999). 'A corrective to the spirit of too exclusively pure mathematics': Robert Smith (1689-1768) and his prizes at the Cambridge University. Annals of Science, 56, 271-316. abstract
"The Smith's Prize competition was established in Cambridge in 1768 by the will of Robert Smith (1689-1768). By fostering an interest in the study of applied mathematics, the competition contributed towards the success in mathematical physics that was to become the hallmark of Cambridge mathematics during the second half of the nineteenth century." (from the abstract)
- The Smith competition was an examination that could be taken shortly after the Mathematical Tripos. The citation above indicates its importance, and its being an instance of an examination having important external effects. While Cambridge is famous for its tripos examination, for mathematicians the Smith prize was more important. This stems from the difference in character between the two examinations, at least after 1883, "the distinction between the capacity for examination work and the capacity to write an original thesis." (p. 301) Before that time the questions set, "unlike Tripos questions, they were often geared towards evincing an original or creative, as opposed to a rote-learning, approach." (p. 282)
- Quite remarkable is the number of examinees: typically only a little more than two, sometimes even only two. The number of distinguished positions (prizes) was only two, therefore most of the time only those who would have a reasonable chance to win a prize did participate. Although being much different in character, most of the time the senior wrangler in the Tripos also won the first prize in the Smith competition.
Naerssen, R. F. van (1966). Het handhaven van eenmaal aangenomen normen bij opeenvolgende objectieve toetsen. Ped. St, 43, 312-320. eq
Gascoigne, J. (1984). Mathematics and meritocracy: the emergence of the Cambridge mathematical tripos. Social Studies of Science, 14, 547-584. abstract
W. W. Rouse Ball (1923). The history of the Mathematical Tripos. Ch. XXI in Rouse Ball Cambridge notes, chiefly concerning Trinity College and the University. Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons. full view of the book
- Rothblatt 1974 verwijst meermalen naar dit hoofdstuk.
- NB. Dit examen kon je maar een keer afleggen, een feit dat in dit hoofdstuk nogal impliciet blijft.
Mr. Earnshaw, the senior moderator in 1836, informed me that he believed that the tripos of that year was the earliest one in which all the papers were marked, and that in previous years the examiners had partly relied on their impression of the answers given.
p. 297
Belhoste, B., Picon, A., & Sakarovitch, J. (1990). Les exercices dans les écoles d’ingénieurs sous lancien régime et la révolution. Histoire de l'éducation, no. 46, 53-109 pdf lezen
Val Brooks (1993). The resurgence of external examining in Britain: a historical review. British Journal of Historical Studies, XXXXI, March. 59-72
preview
John B. Carroll (1987). Measurement and educational psychology; beginnings and repercussions. 89-106 In Glover, J. A., & Ronning, R. R. (eds) (1987). Historical foundations of educational psychology.
preview references
Geoffrey Howson (1982). A history of mathematics education in England. Cambridge UP info on chaptersinfo https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511897481.013 , plus enkele relevante passages uit het boek. map ex gs-->
Dominique Julia (1990). Gaspard Monge, examinateur. Histoire de l’éducation, no. 46, 111-133. pdf
- Een aardige geschiedenis, met een aarzelend begin van meritocratische beoordeling nog vóór de Franse Revolutie. Ook een voorbeeld van een vroege numerus clausus, en hoe de daarbij betrokken examinator zijn eigen cijfersysteem daarvoor kon gebruiken om de kandidaten van twee verschillende scholen met elkaar vergelijkbaar te krijgen.
"On voudrait ici s'interrogersur les procédures de sélection qui ont été progressivement mises en œuvre pour choisir les futurs officiers des corps techniques militaires dans la seconde moitié du XVIII" siècle"
En fait, les promotions de 1787 et 1788 ayant été particulièrement nombreuses (103 en 1787, 62 en 1788), le ministre a étéamené à fixer un numerus clausus en fonction des besoins du corps, comme en témoigne la lettre qu'il a écrite à l'examinateur pour l'examen de 1789 : « Les nombreuses nominations d'élèves de la 3e classe qui ont suivi les derniers examens rendent indispensables de fixer pour celui qui va avoir lieu la quantitéé de sujets que l'on pourra admettre. Je me suis fait rendre un compte exact de la situation actuelle du corps de la marine et j'ai réglé à 40 le nombre des places à donner tant aux élèves du roi qu'aux autres concurrents; il y a 100 des premiers et environ 90 des derniers; les places doivent être accordées indistinctement aux plus instruits de tous, si cependant il s'en trouve 40 qui satisfassent à ce qui est exigé par l'ordonnance, car dans le cas contraire ilserait indispensable de n'admettre que ceux qui auraient réellement l'instruction suffisante. Vous voyez par cette nouvelle disposition que ce ne sera qu'après la clôture du concours à Vannes que vous pourrez porter votre jugement d'après les notes que vous aurez gardées de la manière dont chacun aura répondu à Alais et vous sentez combien ilsera nécessaire que le résultat de votre travail me parvienne le plus tôt possible."
Dit zou een eerste vergelijkend examen op basis van cijfers kunnen zijn, zie tabel 2 p. 121
P. Osmund Lewry (1982). Thirteenth-century examination compendia from the faculty of arts. In Les genres littéraires dans les sources théologiques et philosophiques médiévales. Louvain-la-Neuve. 101-116. .
- Een prachtige vondst. Ik vraag me al heel lang af wat dat middeleeuwse examen concreet in kan houden. Dit artikel licht een tipje van die sluier op, omdat er een soort repetitie-boekjes blijkt te hebben bestaan, met daarin examenvragen en hun antwoorden. Jazeker, geschreven door meesters, niet door bachelors. Vergelijk de Chinese bedrijvigheid met boeken met examenopgaven en goede antwoorden daarop. Afijn, laat ik dit artikel eens doorspitten. Dan blijkt een probleem te zijn erachter te komen hoe precies die vragen en antwoorden er uitzien. Daarvoor moet ik waarschijnlijk terug naar de oorspronkelijke artikelen van Grabmann, en andere artikelen door Lewry genoemd.
- M. Grabmann (1934). Eine für Examinazwecke abgefasste Quaestionensammlung der Pariser Artistenfakultät aus der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts, in Revue néoscolastique de philosophie, 36 (1934), 211-229. reprinted in Mittelalterliches Geistesleben, ï, München, 1936, 183-199.
- De Rijk (noot 27 en 30) L. M. de Rijk Die mittelalterlichen Traktate De modo opponendi et respondendi, (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters, Neue Folge 17. Münster, 1980). p. 89-95
- p. 102. Het ongeordende van het curriculum komt uit het voorwoord van de samensteller naar voren.
He is concerned that students are burdened with the multitude of questions which are customary in examinations and the difficulty which arises from their covering a wide range of studies without order or sequence. He has thought it appropriate to treat such questions with their solutions in some compendious form, explaining what is necessary in a certain order and sequence, beginning with ’philosophy’ itself, a term common to the various disciplines.
- Om voorbeelden van vragen en antwoorden te kunnen geven moet ik dus meer research doen, o.a. de enkele voorbeelden die Lewry waarschijnlijk geeft vertalen van het Latijn in iets moderns.
- p. 116 Hoe dat ook zij, Lewry constateert dat er eerst nog publikaties van het bronnenmateriaal moeten komen, met de nodige zorg op het punt van veranderingen en bijschrijvingen etc.
. . . . to convey the actual balance of interest in the texts at diffrent times and the very modest level of expectation of the humble arts student, often belied by the more ambitious flights of the masters’ over-subtle commentaries, treatises and questions.
MacLeod, Roy (Ed.) (1982). Days of judgement. Science, Examinations and the Organization of Knowledge in Late Victorian England. Nafferton Books (Driffield).[anno 2020 niet online]
Belangrijk deel daarvan gekopieerd. Gascoigne verwijst naar de Introduction hiervan (p. 577 noot 2) p. 3-7: This latter essay includes an analysis of the eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century origins of Victorian examinations, as well as a discussion of the late Victorian reaction to the growth of the examination ethic.
Resnick, Daniel P., and Resnick, Lauren B. (1985). Standards, curriculum, and performance: a historical and comparative perspective. The Educational Researcher, 14:4, 5-20. (april 1985) abstract https://sci-hub.se/https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189x014004004 (foutje in sci-hub)
- p. 7: "The first great debate over a common curriculum was launched in 1893 with the publication of the now-famous report of the Committee of Ten. ( . . . ) For the Committee of Ten, it did not seem unreasonable to demand of all secondary school students - even those who might terminate their education at the end of high school - that they take a set of courses that were clearly college preparatory. This was because the members cherished an egalitarian ideal of access to higher education.
- p. 7-8: "By the 1880s a full-blown vocational education movement had emerged; it grew even stronger over the next several decades. The Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education, presented by the NEA Commission on the Reorganization of Secondary Education (Bureau of Education, 1918), provided a thery and ideology for the place of the vocational program in the high school curriculum (se also Raubinger, et al., 1969, pp. 97-130). This report stressed the importance of flexibility, adaptation, and response to student interests. ( . . . ) The Commission members argued for both the need to respond to individual differences in abilities among students and for the importance of diverse programs within the high school. The effect, only partially intended, of differential programs in the school was to reinforxe social class differences." Dat werd bekrachtigd omdat leerlingen in de vocational track de toegang tot de vakken in het academische programma werd ontzegd omdat het curriculum die combinatie vrijwel onmogelijk maakt (inhoudelijke aansluiting, roosterkwesties). "Funding for half-day shop programs that mandatd a tracked curriculum within the comprehensive high school was written into the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917, promoted by a forceful combination of educators, manufacturers, and labor groups who were drawn to the support of vocational education for rather different reasons. (,,,) Although programs were modified - most significantly, the Second Vocational Education Act of 1963 called for preparation in general job skills rather than for specific occupatonal training - the difference in content between vocational and liberal offerings remained great. (For z review of the legislative history, see Cuban, 1982). ( . . . ) Thus, the tension between vocationalism and traditional disciplines as the center of the high school program remains with us."
- p. 9 geeft een stukje inside-information over cijfergeven: "Where specifically labeled courses are required, our system of counting credits often treats such courses as remedial arithmetic and advanced algebra as equivalent."
- p. 10, over beroepsonderwijs: "Vocational education, too, is is in difficulty. The assumptions that originally underlay federal funding for vocational programs no longer appear to hold (see Kett, 1982). First, it is not at all clear that the schools are able to instruct students in skills that are immediately useful in the workplace or that they can do this better than companies that train young people on the job. ( . . . ) Second, the advocates of vocational education programs appear to have made a false claim about the employability of their students (Thurow, 1979, ‘Vocational education as a strategy for eliminating poverty. Een moeilijk te verkrijgen paper; Grasso and Shea, 1979, Vocation and training: impact on youth. Berkeley: Carnegie Council on Policy Studies in Higher Education). Dit zal wel met het ritsmodel hebben te maken: algemene kwalificaties overrulen specifieke in deze deelmarkten. "Despite decades of study and experiment, it is still unclear how different systems of grouping and tracking in schools affect social attitudes and opportunities. By contrast, the effects of tracking on the curriculum are obvious, and it is these effects that are of greatest importance to a consideration of educational standards. ( . . . ) For the most part, tracking results in weaker versions of the top-track programs rather than in high quality alternatives for students of lesser academic talent or interest. Low expectations and dulled motivation among students in the nonacademic tracks have been noted in sociological studies beginning in the 1920s (see, e.g., Lynd & Lynd, 1929, 1937)."
- p. 11 over toetsen en examens. "We shall argue that the rots of educational testing in the united States lie in efforts to gauge the success of theschools in their various functions more than in efforts to monitor the performance of individual students. This emphasis, together with the American preference dor objective scoring, has led to a choice of testing instruments and procedures not optimally suited to motivating and guiding individual study. As a result, we have as a nation failed to fully utilize the potential of tests and examinations as vehicles for maintaining educational standards. ( . . . ) . . . there is abundant evidence that an overriding role of educational testing has been to serve purposes of public accountability, program evaluation, and institutional comparison. [Resnick, 1982; for the use of tests for accountability see Phi Delta kappan’s ‘New Perspective’ (1981)] ( . . . ) The new short-answer standardized test was also employed to monitor the use of classroom time ( . . . ) Until about 1910 most school systems selected entrants to high schools on the basis of entrance exam performance. Some cities (e.g., Pittsburg) used to release the results of these exams in ways that allowed readers to compare the effectiveness of different elementary schools in preparing students for the high school (Krug, 1964; Resnick & Schumacher, 1980). Administrators used this selection exam to keep elementary schools accountable for their performance."
- p. 11: "During the interwar perios a new enthousiasm for the potential of tests in matching educational programs to individual talents and interests developed." p. 12 {øver the years, test instruments have been selected and modified to serve these institutional monitoring functions and not to motivate the performance of the individual student. As a result, most of our tests are not well suited to seving as incentives or guidelines for higher educational standards. With two exceptions - advanced placement tests and some minimum competency tests, which we discuss below - the tests are not designed to be ‘taught to.’ In fact, they are likely to lose their validity as instruments of comparison if they are used in this way. But tests that cannot be taught to cannot properly shape the curriculum. Further, since they cannot be ‘studied for,’ they do not provide a useful form of incentive or feedback to students who take them. Even our college entrance tests, which do have a clear impact on educational opportunities, cannot succeed as instruments for improving the performance of individual students. Although the tests can register declines in standards and thus motivate a general public concern, they cannot shape an instrcutional response. This is because they are deliberately not tied to the high school curriculum. ( . . . ) In 1926, the College Board introduced the Scholastic Aptitude Test in a multiple choice format, free of dependence on any particular course program. It appeared to be a fairer instrument for selection because it was assumed not to penalize the student who attended a weak high school or followed an undemanding course of study (see Fuess, 1950; Schudson, 1972)."
- p. 14: "Advanced Placement specifies both a syllabus and an examination tailored to it; the program currently covers 24 introductory college courses in 12 fields. ( . . . ) Over 135,000 students took AP exams this past year, about one-tenth the number of those who took the SAT or ACT tests."
- p. 14:"The Pittsburgh Public Schools, for example, have instituted a city-wide basic skills testing program in which minimum competency objectives are established for every grade level; every child is tested on these objectives each year. Other school districts (e.g., New York City) use tests tied to specific instructional objectives as a basis for deciding which children will be promoted into certain grades. In both of these kinds of testing programs, the intent is to improve academic standards by setting clear instructional objectives that can be taught and then examined. Nothing like these minimum competence examination programs exists in other countries. They are a uniquely American response to the question of standards maintenance and improvement. ( . . . ) Only ecently have some states begun to include higher level skills in their competency testing programs. It would be difficult to stress too much the importance of this move beyond the minimum in competency testing, for there is evidence that examinations focused solely on low level competencies restrict the range of what teachers attend to in instruction and thus lower the standard of education for all but the weakest students."
Roach, J.P.C. (1961/62), Middle-class education and examinations: some early victorian problems. BrJEducStudies, 10, 176-193. 10.1080/00071005.1962.9973077
DuBois, H. (1970). The history of psychological testing. Boston. fantastisch veel beter! Het enige puntje is dat hij voor de introductie van selectie voor de Civil Service uitgebreidere bronnen geeft dan in zijn '64 paper, maar ik denk aan die congrespapers niet makkelijk te kunnen komen.
Guy, Basil (1963) The Chinese examination system and France, 1569-1847. In vol. 25 of Besterman, Theodore, Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century, vol. 25, 741-778. Geneva: Institut et Musée Voltaire. (gevonden bij Webber, 1989) abstract
E. A. Kracke, Jr. (1947). Family vs. merit in Chinese civil service examinaions under the empire. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 10, 103-123. Reprinted in Bishop, J. L. (1968). Studies of governmental institutions in Chinese history, 173-193. free online
August, R. L. (1992). Yobiko: prep schools for college entrance in Japan. In Leestma, R., & Walberg, H. J. (Eds.) (1992 of 1993). Japanese educational productivity. Center for Japanese Studies, the University of Michigan, 108 Lane Hall, Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1290. ISBN 0-939512-55-6. 267-308.
- (gaat over coaching, en wel in zijn extreme Japanse vorm) (van andere hoofdstukken uit dit boek heb ik uittreksels gemaakt, zie ex of vgl file) Dit is een stuk dat belangrijke details bevat over de selectiemechanismen bij de toelating tot hoger onderwijs in Japan.
Machin, H., & Wright, V. (1989). Les élèves de l’école Nationale d'Administration de 1848-1849. Revue de l'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 36, 605-639. pdf
- Mooie voorbeelden van excellente carrières gekoppeld aan positie in vergelijkend toelatingsexamen. p. 607; L’examen pour la première promotion d’élèves eut lieu en mai et juin 1848. Le nombre de candidats effectif fut de 865: 70 autres s’étaient inscrits mais se retirèrent avant le jour du concours. [zie noot 6 over andere aantallen door diverse auteurs genoemd] Il y avait donc beaucoup de candidats, ce qui témoignait des espoirs suscités par l’école et de la popularité du service de l’état chez de jeunes Français ambitieux. Parmi eux se trouvaient des représentants de quelques-unes des grandes dynasties administratives et politiques de la France [noot 7 geeft details] L’examen comportait deux étapes: une épreuve d’admissibilité (ayant pour but d’éliminer) et une épreuve définitive d’admission (en vue de sélectionner). Comme dans tous les concours français, les noms des candidats reçus étaient publiés par ordre de mérite. p. 608: Seulement 152 (et non pas 200 comme il était prévu au début) sur les 685 candidats furent finalement choisis. Volgt een overzicht van sociale achtergronden van studenten p. 637; On a soutenu que la rance du milieu du XIXe siècle eetait un pays dirigé par une élite, mais gue celle-ci n’était pas complètement fermée. . . . Cependant, le savoir intellectuel, bien qu’important et même nécessaire dans certains cas, n’était pas une condition suffisante en France pour réussir une carrière administrative, la plus convoitée de toutes les carrières. Dans la compétition entre les très nombreux licenciés en droit, les riches, les privilégiés et les jeunes gens bien apparentés l’emportaient généralement. Il avait fallu bien des révolutions pour ouvrir, mais seulement de façon finalement temporaire, l’administration à des hommes nouveaux. Après chaque révolution, le système traditionnel se rétablissait lui-même progressivement. La conception de l’administration française comme une 'carrière ouverte à tous les talents' restait, et reste aujourd’hui, un idéal prêché par beaucoup, chéri par certains, mais mis en pratique seulement par un très petit nombre.
Eysenck (1947). Student selection by means of psychological tests - a critical survey. Br J Ed Ps 27, 20-39.
abstract & scihub pdf
W. H. Brouwer (1951). Selectie en schoolsucces. Mededelingen van het Nutsseminarium voor Paedagogiek aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam ; No. 50. Deel A is een overdruk uit: Paedagogische studiën ; jrg. 28 (19**), no. 2. [NB: Ped. St. is nu free access]
Robert L. Linn (1993). Educational assessment: expanded expectations and challenges. Ed Eval & Pol Anal. 15, 1-16. download report version
G. C. Gerrits (1932). Beslissingsnormen voor het eindexamen der hoogere burgerscholen. Paedagogische Studiën, 13, 45-60 \
Melis Melissen (juni 2006). 'Equivalering bij centrale examens voortgezet onderwijs. Hoe komt normering tot stand? Examens, Tijdschrift voor de Toetspraktijk artikel betaalmuur: €1,95
Kenneth Tjon Soei Sjoe, Peter KopMarjolein van Haselen, Donald van As (2014). Gelijke monniken, gelijke kappen 16-20 pdf
Jan van de Craats (2007). Contexten en eindexamens. Euclides, 261-266. pdf
Janke Cohen-Schotanus (mei 1992). De optimale verblijfsduur: Studierendement bij de acht medische faculteiten.Onderzoek van Onderwijs Niet online. [hardcopy]
Melvin R. Novick, Paul H. Jackson, Dorothy T. Thayer, Nancy S. Cole (1971). Applications of Bayesian methods to the prediction of educational performance. ACT Research Report 42. free access
van der Linden, W. J. (1998). Examens en de moderne media. TH&MA: Tijdschrift voor Hoger Onderwijs en Management, 1, 30-34. (In Dutch) [niet online, ik heb een fotokopie]
Kickert, R. (2020, December 4). Raising the Bar: Higher education students’ sensitivity to the assessment policy. Erasmus University Rotterdam. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/1765/134032 Dissertatie.
download
Martijn Meeter* & Marion van Brederode (2021). Predicting retention in higher education from high-stakes exams or school GPA. https://psyarxiv.com/h537g/
Sean Kippin & Paul Cairney (2021). The COVID-19 exams fiasco across the UK: four nations and two windows of opportunity British Politics (2021)open access
Aines Bachir Belmehdi (2018). Social Darwinism and the System of Examinations from Elementary to Secondary Education in England (1859-1944). Dissertation. academia.edu
Dat lijkt me overdreven. Examens hebben niets met de publicatie van The rigin of species te maken. Maar goed, het kan best een interessante dissertatie zijn. Ik heb er niet meteen ook tijd voor.
Opinie | door Ivo Arnold & Brigitte Hoogendoorn & Henk van der Molen & Henk Schmidt & Guus Smeets 98 april 2021). Afschaffing bsa treft de zwakkere student. ScienceGuide
Bruno Belhoste (Ed.) (2002). L'examen. Évaluer.sélectioner, certifier XVIe-XXe siècles. Spécial Histoire de l'éducation, #94, open access
- (all open access)
- Pierre Caspard: Examen de soi-même, examen public, examen d’État
- André Chervel: Le baccalauréat et les débuts de la dissertation littéraire (1874-1881)
- Bruno Belhoste: Anatomie d’un concours
- Jérôme Martin: Aux origines de la « science des examens » (1920-1940)
Philippe Marchand
Un chantier à ouvrir : l’histoire du baccalauréat, 1808-1940 Histoire de l'éducation, #94
open access
Christophe Dubois et Marie-Édith Naud (2002). Les copies d'examen : Conditions actuelles de collecte et de conservation Histoire de l'éducation, #94 open access
Marilena Vassiloglou and Simon French (1982). Arrow's theorem and examination assessment. British Journal of Mathematical and Statistical Psychology, 35, 183-192. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8317.1982.tb00651.x abstract
William E. Cummings (1980). Education and equality in Japan. - Princeton University Press. isbn 9780691100883 info
Themanummer Euclides over de eindexamens, september 2022. Wat me opvalt in dit nummer: hoe vrijwel alle besprekers er geen probleem mee hebben dat er andere zaken worden getoetst dan beheersing van wiskunde. De uitzondering is Sieb Kemme, die harde noten kraakt over onzin-contexten in examenopgaven. Het nummer opent met de bijdrage van Johan Leurgans. Zijn inleiding schetst belangrijke problemen met de huidige wiskunde-examens, ook zien Leurgans en zijn collega's dat niet zo. "In de eindfase van mijn studie "
Het examennummer van Euclides is weer uit—examens wiskunde. Ik heb het diagonaal doorgenomen, en schrik er toch wel weer van. Niet van de wiskunde—daarvoor ben ik niet bevoegd—maar wel van de ideeën over wat er allemaal gevraagd zou mogen worden in een examen wiskunde.
Het enige lichtpuntje biedt Sieb Kemme: hij stelt de onzin-contexten in deze examens aan de kaak.
Gerald L. Geison (Ed.) (1984). Professions and the French state, 1700-1900. University of Pennsylvania Press. isbn 0812279123 Veel verwijzingen naar de Agrégation.
D. E. Bosselaar, B. Keulen, A. J. Luyt, G. Ras, & A. Sizoo (Red.) (1930). Gedenkboek ter gelegenheid van het honderdjarig bestaan van het genootschap van leeraren aan Nederlandsche gymnasiën 1830-1930. Amersfoort. pdf via Delpher, in Depher zelf: geheel online in Delpher
Is best wel informatief, o.a. hoofdstuk specifiek over examens 142-147, die examens komen ook in de vak-hoofdstukken telkens terug, ook met info over KB's, wetten, etc.
William J. Reese (1995). The origins of the American high school. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. isbn 0300063849 https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300079432/origins-american-high-school
Examens (admissions): Scaling Olympus, pp 142-161. #toelatingsexamens
William E. Coffman (1971). Essay examinations. In R.L. Thorndike: Educational measurement. 271-302. The book is online available in archive.org>
Ik wil het een week lang over examens hebben, onze eindexamens in het bijzonder. Ik ga ze van vele kanten aanvliegen, maar dus niet vanuit de positie van de leraar die leerlingen erop voorbereidt. Want ik ben geen leraar. Vul mij op dit punt aan, graag. draad https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1666687795899842561.html
Peter K. Bol (1992). This culture of ours. Intellectual transitions in T'ang and Sung China. Stanford University Press. isbn 0804723613 info
Veel info over examens in die vroege tijden.
Benjamin A. Elman (2000). A cultural history of civil examinations in late Imperial China. University of California Press isbn 9780520215092 info
"In this multidimensional analysis, Benjamin A. Elman uses over a thousand newly available examination records from the Yuan, Ming, and Ch'ing dynasties, 1315-1904, to explore the social, political, and cultural dimensions of the civil examination system, one of the most important institutions in Chinese history. For over five hundred years, the most important positions within the dynastic government were usually filled through these difficult examinations, and every other year some one to two million people from all levels of society attempted them."
B. C. Koh (1989). Japan’s administrative elite. University of California Press. isbn 0520074092 online pdf ophalen
Interessant hoofdstuk: Recruitment. Over post-war civil service examens. Een eerder hoofdstuk behandelt ook examens begin 20e eeuw.
Knipsels, zie voor deze: Delpher
88 Elly Salomé: Muziekexamen veelzijdig en lang niet eenvoudig
88 Bob den Uyl: Voldoende stof voor hele nare dromen
88 Anne Wolfson: Natuurkunde kostte niet te veel hoofdbrekens
88 Han van Gessel, Anne Wolfson: Eerste dag levert geen grote problemen op
88 Han van Gessel: Examen doen in pijlen, blokken balken en strepen
94 Peter Giesen: Weinig koetjes en kalfjes in Engelse teksten
94 Joris Lange: De hoogte van de laagstamboomgaarden
94 Joris Lange: Mavo-Nederlands behandelt 'echt geinige' onderwerpen.
Steven Bakker en Dolf Witte [beide: Cito] (mei 1993). Levensechte examens. Toetsing functionele vaardigheden in centrale examens voor exacte vakken. Didactief
#contexten
G. van Milligen (1893 3e). Beroepskeuze. Vraagbaak voor ouders en voogden. Wolters.
Encyclopedisch boek, best wel bijzonder. Tjokvol details over examens voor van alles en nog wat en iedereen. online Delpher Google og editie van 1877
Examenfraude bestraft met 25 miljoen dollar (50 000 per frauderende werknemer). Openhartig gesprek met nrc. Examens: belangrijker dan je denkt, haha. Boeiend vak heb ik toch. artikel tweet
Bernard P. Veldkamp (2019). Het wiskundige fundament van toetsen en examens. pdf
(APR 25, 2025) (Ed. by) Frank Landymore. California Admits AI Was Used to Write Bar Exam Plagued by Problems. open
"Casting additional scrutiny, Basick and Moran argued that the exam questions, which should take years to develop, were drafted far too quickly, while 50 practice questions re-released just weeks before the actual exam contained numerous errors, they wrote early this month, per the LA Times.
What spurred the dubious measures sounds like a familiar tale of disastrous cost-cutting. Faced with a $22 million deficit last year, the State Bar ditched the commonly used National Conference of Bar Examiners' Multistate Bar Examination, and decided to transition to a hybrid model of in-person and remote testing. To create the new test, it inked a $8.25 million deal with Kaplan Exam Services, and contracted Meazure Learning to administer it.
In a fittingly legal result, Meazure Learning is now being sued by some of the students who took the glitchy exams. The State Bar said it will ask the California Supreme Court to adjust test scores for those who took the test in February. Chan said that the Committee of Bar Examiners will meet on May 5 to discuss other remedies, but doubted that the State Bar would release the exam questions to the public or go back to the NCBE."
Sammy Wright (2024). Exam Nation. Why our obsession with grades fails everyone and a better way to think about school. The Bodley Head. 9781847927521 info
Wat ik van dit boek verwacht is dat het laat zien wat een doorgewinterde onderwijsman denkt over het toetsgebeuren, in het bijzonder wat betreft toetsen en examens die buiten de school om zijn ontworpen. Dat doet het ook wel, het lijkt me een uitstekende uiteenzetting.
http://www.benwilbrink.nl/literature/examens.htm
http://goo.gl/9LEIVa