Fair schooling

Ben Wilbrink

For literature in Dutch see another file eerlijk_onderwijs.htm

Relevant literature on genetics and educaton will be brought together in heritability.htm

An article on fair schooling, in Dutch, has appeared in the september 2018 special issue on equal opportunity of the educational journal Van Twaalf tot Achttien [not online], as well as on the Journal's website here .

Fair schooling is a very broad theme. My contributions (blogs) will be somewhat limited according to my own rather unique profile of expertise covering education research, differential and cognitive psychology, history of education, especially the links between these fields. Limited, yes, but I hope the strong point will be exploration of the many connections between these disparate fields. Be prepared for lots of surprises (I hope). Take-off blog here.

Subjects: talent and intelligence nature/nurture; fair instructional theory; fair schooling; fair equal opportunity; (+ historical lines)

Early kick off on Twitter: Twitter thread, also available as Twitter Moment here.

Hypothesis 1 robust instructional methods are possible / do exist / have been used - and researched. E.g., Hin-Tai’s instruction? Think so.

What about fair schooling? Hin-Tai's example of Michaela's math lessons blog ‬again triggered that question.
Robust meaning: class instruction appropriate for all pupils, no matter their differences (barring special handicaps). NO differentiation.
[direct instruction] [mastery learning: Bloom 1984 blog] [Hirsch Core Knowledge curriculum]

Hypothesis 2 Differences in talents/intelligence, having been acquired (mainly nurture), need not impact the effectiveness of robust instruction.

tweet It goes against the grain of psychological codes of conduct to routinely use aptitude tests that are not curriculum aligned (that's typically the problem with aptitude tests). Among those codes of conduct: the Standards 2014 edition open access
Testing pupils on anything else than explicit curricular content is a threat to fair schooling; e.g. see A. D. De Groot 1970 ‪http://benwilbrink.nl/publicaties/70degroot.htm ‬ [in English]
Schooling is about what David geary calls biologically secondary learning, in contrast with biologically primary learning of one's mother tongue and lots of other natural kinds. Therefore there is a kind of independe between the two types of learning, leading one to expect that differences in what children have learned at home need not impact biologically secondary learning, given the right instructional methods (such as promoted by Doug Lemov?).

Hypothesis 3 Differences in talents/intelligence are mainly environmentally acquired, notwithstanding claims of psychologists (e.g., Jensen) and geneticists (e.g. Plomin).

This hypothesis is a tough one. However, see James Tabery (2014). Beyond versus: the struggle to understand the interaction of nature and nurture. MIT Press. info

Hypothesis 4 The main function of schooling is the teaching of biologically secondary (Geary) knowledge. (Other functions are derived).

E.g., David Geary (2007). Educating the evolved mind: Conceptual foundations for an evolutionary educational psychology, Ch 1 in Educating the evolved mind: Conceptual foundations for an evolutionary educational psychology, JS Carlson & JR Levin (Eds). Information Age Publishing. [info] Chapter 1 pdf

Hypothesis 5 Schooling also impacts on growth in intelligence (witness the Flynn effect; summer lapse with low SES pupils; WóI Dutch kids).

Growth in intelligence is not the same as growth in IQ, the latter being a standardized measure.
E.g., Richard E. Nisbett, Joshua Aronson, Clancy Blair, William Dickens, James Flynn, Diane Halpern & Eric Turkheimer (2012). Intelligence: New findings and theoretical developments. American Psychologist. abstract. See also discussion with Diane F. Halpern in Psychology Today

Hypothesis 6 Instruction need not, & therefore should not, be contingent on differences in IQ. Mastery of curricular content is what counts.

This is the crucial one. It seems to be underresearched, however. There is an analogue in psychological testing: tests should be pure in the sense of testing for differences in the intended ability or subject mastery, not mixing things up by testing on differences in (other) intellectual abilities also. Tests should be valid in that sense. So should educational instruction itself. It is not asking for the moon, it is asking for the abolition of beliefs in inborn talents and intelligences.

Hypothesis 7 It is possible for robust instruction to result in appr. the same high levels of mastery for ALL pupils.

This is an empirical claim. Are there schools approaching this goal? Michaela in London?
A favourite of Paul Kirschner: Bloom 1984, I blogged about the article here

Hypothesis 8 Unequal pupil backgrounds/personalities will ultimately result in achievement differences (e.g. summer losses not compensated).

Robust schooling will not treat/stigmatize pupils because of their background (IQ, age, sex). Attention for individuals, no differentiation. Of course, schools will not be able to compensate for all kinds of differences between pupils because of backgrounds etcetera. Therefore, equal results is not the right criterium for fair schooling.

Hypothesis 9 Robust education will beat conventional and progressivist education in terms of, at least, cognitive achievements for all pupils.

The idea of teaching generic skills (problem solving, creativity) is not compatible with robust instruction. Those skills do not exist, dummy!
Interventions of the right kind, incl. in schools, can make people smarter. And certainly schools can be made much better than they are now.
p. 2 in Nisbett 2009

Hypothesis 10 The idea of talent or intelligence being inborn is inherited from the 19th century

Looking for possible origins of the concept of (hereditary) (differences in) intelligence, a probable place is Galton’s ‘Hereditary genius’.
By natural ability, I mean those qualities of intellect and disposition, which urge and qualify a man to perform acts that lead to reputation. I do not mean capacity without zeal, nor zeal without capacity, nor even a combination of both of them, without an adequate power of doing a great deal of very laborious work. But I mean a nature which, when left to itself, will, urged by an inherent stimulus, climb the path that leads to eminence, and has strength to reach the summit—one which, if hindered or thwarted, will fret and strive until the hindrance is overcome, and it is again free to follow its labour-loving instinct. It is almost a contradiction in terms, to doubt that such men will generally become eminent. On the other hand, there is plenty of evidence in this volume, to show that few have won high reputations, without possessing these peculiar gifts. It follows that the men who achieve eminence, and those who are naturally capable, are, to a large extent, identical. [p. 38, Hereditary genius, galton.org]
If all of this strikes you as a self-serving philosophy of the 19th c. intellectual elite in a class society: true. For one, Galton neglected the impact quality of the environment must have.
The idea of differences in intellect itself is definitely older: W. Howison (1826). The contest of the twelve nations; or, a view of the different bases of human character and talent. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd. The book is anonymous., but the author is known to be William Howison. online.
'Individual differences ', as a concept, probably used in psychology in 1885 for the first time (by McKeen Cattell, source: R.I. Watson 1968)

Hypothesis 11 More often than not, equal opportunity is considered conditional on talent or intelligence, both taken as inborn characteristics.

Hypothesis 12 Because of what is stated in Hypothesis 11, equal opportunity protagonists typically organize education in ways that tend to preserve class differences. Kind of a contradiction in terms.

Recognized in sociology, of course, as reproduction of inequality. A.o.: Bourdieu & Passeron.

fair, the concept

Ingrid Robeyns (2016). The capability approach. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy webpage

#key #fair #justice

I conclude by arguing that the intrinsic aim of educational policy should be to expand people's capabilities, whereas we should use the rights-discourses strategically, that is, when they are likely to contribute to expanding people's capabilities.

Robeyns, I. (2006) Three models of education: Rights, Capabilities and Human Capital. Theory and Research in Education, 4 (1), 69-84. abstract doi.org/10.1177/1477878506060683 & final version

#key #fair #justice

Martha C. Nussbaum (2011). Creating capabilities. The human development approach. Belknap Press/Harvard University Press. isbn 9780674050549 info

Education is not a special topic, it has not been mentioned in the index. The 'ten central capabilities' are capabilities of adults only.

Human beings come into the world with the equipment for many 'doings and beings' (to use a common phrase of Sen's), and we have to ask ourselves which ones are worth developing into mature capabilities. Adam Smith, thinking of children deprived of education, said that their human powers were 'mutilated and deformed'.
p. 28
Ten central capabilities: Life; Bodily health; Sense, imagination, and thought ['informed and cultivated by an adequate education']; Emotions; Practical reason; Affiliation; Other species; Play; Control over one's environment (A) Political, (B) Material
p 33-341`

Why ‘fair’, not ‘equal’? In the real world there are no equalities. People and their circumstances are unequal; a just society treats people fairly according to their differences / different circumstances.

The idea behind my push for usage of fair chances in education, instead of equal chances: (1) ‘equal’ gives a false impression of simplicity, (2) ‘fair’ forces one to explicate what might be fair in particular circumstances for particular pupils.

François Dubet &Marie Duru-Bellat (2007). What Makes for Fair Schooling? In Richard Teese, Stephen Lamb & Marie Duru-Bellat, (Eds.) International Studies in Educational Inequality, Theory and Policy, 941-957 Springer preview & references paywalled [no access; not in UB Leiden; not in KB]

Hin-Tai (July 29, 2017). Is this the best we can do? Part 7: the spacing effect blog

Must read.

Emma Smith & Stephen Gorard (2006). Pupils' views on equity in schools. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 36 abstract paywalled

Interesting materials. It is the only publication on the subject I know of. The comparative aspect: pupils in UK, as well as in Italy, Spain, Frnce and Belgium.

Overall, the UK students reported favouring an egalitarian system where all students were treated in the same way, and this was largely what they felt that they experienced. In this respect, they differed from their peers in the other EU countries, a substantial proportion of whom thought that the least able should receive more support and attention in class, but who found that more attention was actually given to the more able.
from the abstract

literature, annotations

Jacky Lumby & Marianne Coleman (2016). Leading for Equality. Making Schools Fairer. Sage.[eBook in KB] info & preview

Where equality relates to ‘sameness’, equity majors on ‘difference’, and indicates valuing different abilities and choices. Consequently, the aim cannot be the same outcomes for all. The Nobel Prize-winning economist Sen (2012) has been very influential in how we think about success in social organizations. He suggests we focus on a primary outcome of enabling people ‘to lead the kind of lives they value - and have reason to value’ (Sen, 1999: 18). [1999 might be: Development as freedom]
Saito, M. (2003) ‘Amartya Sen’s capability approach to education: a critical exploration’, Journal of Philosophy of Education, 37 (1): 17-33. abstract paywalled
Walker, M. (2005) ‘Amartya Sen’s capability approach and education’, Educational Action Research, 13 (1): 103-10. abstract paywalled

Madeline Crosswaite and Kathryn Asbury (2018). Teacher beliefs about the aetiology of individual differences in cognitive ability, and the relevance of behavioural genetics to education. British Journal of Educational Psychology abstract and pdf

Amartya Sen (2003). Development as capability expansion. In Fukuda-Parr S, et al: Readings in Human Development. pdf

Michael Young (1958). The rise of the meritocracy 1870 - 2033. An essay on education and equality. Thames and Hudson.

Heather Boushey, J. Bradford Delong & Marshall Steinbaum (Eds.). After Piketty. The agenda for economics and inequality. Harvard UP. isbn 9780674504776 info & blog

Branco Malovic (2017). Wereldwijde ongelijkheid. Welvaart in de 21e eeuw. Spectrum. 9789000355389 [Global inequality, 2016] info & related links

Ida Gran Andersen & Simon Calmar Andersen (2015). Student-centered instruction and academic achievement: linking mechanisms of educational inequality to schools' instructional strategy British Journal of Sociology of Education abstract and manuscript pdf and sci-hub

Results suggest that a student-centered instructional strategy has a negative impact on academic achievement in general, and for students with low parental education in particular. Our findings support the argument that the instructional strategy of schools is an important mechanism in generating educational inequality through the stratification of learning opportunities. [from the ERIC abstract]

D. S. Wilson, R. A Kauffman Jr & M. S. Purdy (2011) A program for at-risk high school students informed by evolutionary science. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0027826. PLoS One free

The Regents Academy, New York.

Amartya Sen (2009). The idea of justice. Allen Lane. isbn 9781846141478 info

Amartya Sen (1999). Development as freedom. Knopf. isbn 0375406190 info

Amartya Sen (Ed.) (1982/1997). Choice, welfare and measurement. Harvard University Press. isbn 0674127781 info

a.o.
(1979) Equality of what? [from the Tanner lectures]: utiliarian equality - total utility equality - Rawlsian equality - basic capability equality pdf Sen does not connect his thinking to individual differences in education.
(1978) Ethical measurement of inequality: some difficulties.

John Rawls (1972). A theory of justice. Clarendon Press. isbn 0198243685 info

The existing distribution of income and wealth, say, the cumulative effect of prior distributions of natural assets—that is, natural talents and abilities—as these have been developed or left unrealized, and their use favored or disfavored over time by social circumstances and such chance contingencies as accident and good fortune. Intuitively, the most obvious injustice of the system of natural liberty is that it permits distributive shares to be improperly influenced by these factors so arbitrary from a moral point of view. The liberal interpretation, as I shall refer to it,tries to correct for this by adding to the requirement of careers open to talents the further condition of the principle of fair equality of opportunity. The thought here is that positions are to be not only open in a formal sense, but that all should have a fair chance to attain them. Offhand it is not clear what is meant, but we might say that those with similar abilities and skills should have similar life chances. More specifically, assuming that there is a distribution of natural assets, those who are at the same level of talent and ability, and have the same willingness to use them, should have the same prospects of success regardless of their initial place in the social system, that is, irrespective of the income class into which they are born. In all sectors of society there should be roughly equal prospects of culture and achievement for everyone similarly motivated and endowed. The expectations of those with the same abilities and aspirations should not be affected by their social class. John Rawls (1972). A theory of justice. Clarendon Press. p. 72-73. Note 11: This definition follows Sidgwick's suggestion in The Methods of Ethics, p. 285n. See also R. H. Tawney, Equality (London, George Allen and Unwin, 1931), ch II, sec. ii, and B. A. O. Williams, "The Idea of Equality," in Philosophy, Politics, and Society, ed. Peter Lassett and W. G. Runciman (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1962), pp 125f While the liberal conception seems clearly preferable to the system of natural liberty, intuitively it still appears defective. For one thing, even if it works to perfection in eliminating the influence of social contingencies, it still permis the distribution of wealth and income to be determined by the natural distribution of abilities and talents. Within the limits allowed by the background arrangements, distributive shares are decided by the outcome of the natural lottery; and this outcome is arbitrary from a moral perspective. There is no more reason to permit the distribution of income and wealth to be settled by the distribution of of natural assets than by historical and social fortune. Furthermore, the principle of fair opportunity can be only imperfectly carried out, at least as long as the institution of the family exists. The extent to which naural capacities develop and reach fruition is affected by all kinds of social conditions and class attitudes. Even the willingness to make an effort, to try, and to be deserving in the ordinary sense is itself dependent upon happy family and social circumstances. It is impossible in practice to secure equal chances of achievement and culture for those similarly endowed, and therefore we may want to adopt a principle [democratic equality and the difference principle, b.w.] which recognizes this fact and also mitigates the arbitrary effects of the natural lottery itself. That the liberal conception fails to do this encourages one to look for another interpretation of the two principles of justice. John Rawls (1972). A theory of justice. Clarendon Press. p. 73-74.

Samuel Freeman (Ed.) (1999). John Rawls. Collected papers. Harvard University Press. info

John Rawls (2001) Justice as fairness. A restatement. Belknap Harvard. info

James Coleman (1990). Equality and achievement in education. London: Westview Press. [Reader of Coleman articles and chapters] info review

Barry Garelick (December 5, 2016). How attempts to force equity in math classes can protect kids from learning. blog

David Sloan Wilson (Oct 19, 2016). The Tragedy of the Commons: How Elinor Ostrom Solved One of Life’s Greatest Dilemmas. The design principles for solving the tragedy of the commons can be applied to all groups. blog

Xiang Zhou & Geoffrey T. Wodtke (2018). Income Stratification among Occupational Classes in the United States. Social Forces. doi:10.1093/sf/soy074 url to share this paper: sci-hub.tw/10.1093/sf/soy074 [via Herman van de Werfhorst]

Carina Mood (2017). More than Money: Social Class, Income, and the Intergenerational Persistence of Advantage. Sociological Science, 4, 263-287.. pdf

"I show that parental class matters at a given income and income matters within a given social class, and the net associations are substantial"

Gap in key subject achievement between 15-yr-olds in England one of the "most unequal among developed countries" tweet

Michelle Jackson (Ed.) (2013). Determined to Succeed?: Performance versus Choice in Educational Attainment. info [niet in UB Leiden, niet in KB] Niet gezien.

a.o. Charlotte Büchner & Rolf van der Velden: How Social Background Affects Educational Attainment Over Time in the Netherlands. abstract

Thijs Bol, Jacqueline Witschge, Herman G. Van de Werfhorst, Jaap Dronkers (2014). Curricular Tracking and Central Examinations: Counterbalancing the Impact of Social Background on Student Achievement in 36 Countries. Social Forces 92(4) 1545-1572, June 2014 Advance Access publication on 1 March 2014 pdf

Correlation, Consumption, Confusion, or Constraints: Why Do Poor Children Perform So Poorly? by Elizabeth M. Caucutt, Lance Lochner and Youngmin Park. Working Paper # 2015-3. Published: The Scandinavian Journal of Economics. Special issue on social mobility. Early view July 2016. pdf

K. Anders Ericsson, Ralf Th. Krampe, and Clemens Tesch-Romer (1993). The Role of Deliberate Practice in the Acquisition of Expert Performance. Psychological Review, 100, 363-406. pdf

James R. Flynn (2007/2009). What Is Intelligence? Beyond the Flynn Effect. Cambridge University Press. isbn 9780521741477 info

James Flynn (2016). Does your Family Make You Smarter? Nature, Nurture, and Human Autonomy. info.

Belangrijke plaats ingeruimd (zie p. 151-2) voor de intelligentie-theorie van Han van der Maas c.s. 2006. Peter Wilby (27 September 2016) interviews James Flynn blog

Kathryn Asbury & Robert Plomin (2014). G is for Genes: The impact of genetics on education and achievement. Wiley. isbn 9781118482780 info

The authors draw wrong conclusions from heritability coefficients, in my opinion. I will have to analyse the book yet. The authors' opinion is that schooling should reckon with individual differences in intelligence. That is the opposite of what is necessary for schooling to be fair.

Francis Galton (1869/1892/1979). Hereditary genius. An inquiry into its laws and consequences. London: Julian Friedman Publishers. isbn 0904014460 2000 digital free access

Richard E. Nisbett (2009). Intelligence and how to get it: Why schools and cultures count. New York, NY: Norton. [UBL PSYCHO C6.-148 ] info

In Ch 7: Perry Preschool & Abecedarian. !!!

Interventions of the right kind, including in schools, can make people smarter. And certaily schools can be made much better than they are now.
The degree of heritability of IQ places constraint on the degree of modifiability that is possible. All geneticists accept this principle, but hereditarians often acknowledge the principle and then go on to write as if heritability does in fact place limits on modifiability.
p.38

An example in the last category: Asbury & Plomin 2014 'G is for genes' info
The misconception is called 'genetic determinism'. See for example Daniel Dennett Freedom evolves pp 156-162.
p. 207. We tend to say that IQ is predictive of success in life (to some extent, let's say 30% of variance). Intelligence however, is the result of opportunities one has had in life, NOT of one 's genes (genes are not intelligent ;-). (Nisbett uses other words)

W. Howison (1826). The contest of the twelve nations; or, a view of the different bases of human character and talent. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd. The book is anonymous., but the author is known to be William Howison. online

Leila Zenderland (1998). Measuring minds. Henry Herbert Goddard and the origins of American intelligence testing. Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521003636

Shelleyann Scott, Charles F. Webber, Judy L. Lupart, Nola Aitken & Donald E. Scott (2013). Fair and equitable assessment practices for all students, Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy & Practice. online first 2013 abstract

This paper outlines the findings related to fairness and equity in student assessment that emerged from the Alberta Student Assessment Study (ASAS) (Webber, Aitken, Lupart, & Scott, 2009).
Webber, C. F., Aitken, N., Lupart, J., & Scott, S. (2009). The Alberta Student Assessment Study: Final report. Edmonton: The Government of Alberta. pdf

Fabian Dietrich, Martin Heinrich & Nina Thieme (Eds.) (2013). Bildungsgerechtigkeit jenseits von Chancengleichheit. Theoretische und empirische Ergänzungen und Alternativen zu 'PISA'. Springer info

Dylan Molenaar & Denny Borsboom (2013) The formalization of fairness: issues in testing for measurement invariance using subtest scores, Educational Research and Evaluation, 19, 223-244. abstract

Robert J. Mislevy, Geneva Haertel, Britte H. Cheng, Liliana Ructtinger, Angela DeBarger, Elizabeth Murray, David Rose, Jenna Gravel, Alexis M. Colker, Daisy Rutstein & Terry Vendlinski (2013). A “conditional” sense of fairness in assessment. Educational Research and Evaluation, 19 121-140. abstract

This article builds on recent research in universal design for learning (UDL), assessment design, and psychometrics to lay out the rationale for inference that is conditional on matching examinees with principled variations of an assessment so as to reduce construct-irrelevant demands. The present focus is assessment for special populations, but it is argued that the principles apply more broadly.
from the abstract

Alice Bradbury (2013). Understanding Early Years Inequality. Policy, assessment and young children’s identities. Routledge. site Een beperkt aantal bladzijden is daar vrij in te zien. Waarschijnlijk komt het boek als eBook beschikbaar in de KB

Het gaat over een specifiek Engels programma dat het kleutertesten tot absurde hoogte heeft opgedreven: ‘the Early Years Foundation Stage Profile’ of EYFS. Ik citeer een passage uit het slothoofdstuk (p. 142):
The notion that the EYFS Profile proposes is, I would argue, inherently neoliberal: learning is something to be engaged in on demand, by a flexible, enthusiastic and self-regulating child. The situation is created by adults, but the learning must be driven by the child’s initiative and commitment. Links can be made with the contention that young children are positioned as ‘consumers-in-waiting, with their care and education increasingly located as a private and individual concern’ (Woodrow and Press, 2008: 96). At the same time, the EYFS Profile legitimises particular ideas about learning that are long-standing in early years: the idea of ‘discovering’ a child, which is linked to development discourses, and the idea that a child has inherent characteristics that can be identified over time, described as ‘talents’ or, more commonly, ‘ability’. The workings of these combinations provide further evidence of what Dahlberg and Moss have called ‘a new normality of the child’, whereby a system produces children who are ‘developmentally ready for the uncertainties and opportunities of the twenty-first century’ (Dahlberg and Moss, 2005: 7). The effect is that the EYFS Profile limits the models of good learning that operate within classrooms, and closes down opportunities to think more freely about how we can envisage learning in this context.

Stephen J. Ceci & Paul B. Papierno (2005). The Rhetoric and Reality of Gap Closing. When the 'Have-Nots' Gain but the 'Haves' Gain Even More. American Psychologist, 60, 149-160. pdf

Stephen J. Ceci , Paul B. Papierno, and Katrin U. Mueller-Johnson (2002). The Twisted Relationship Between School Spending and Academic Outputs: In Search of a New Metaphor. Journal of School Psychology, Vol. 40, No. 6, pp. 477-484 pdf

Jeannie Oakes (2005). Keeping track. How schools structure inequality. Yale University Press, second edition 2005 (new preface, extra chapters discussing the 'tracking wars' of the last 20 years) (

#differentiation #equality Read the book critically. E.g., Oakes uncritically praises the research by Jo Boaler in England and California.

review:
"Keeping Track provides a vast amount of evidence to show that tracking does not alleviate attitude and behavior problems among students, but rather aggravates them, and forcefully demonstrates the ways in which track placements are often inaccurate, inappropriate, biased, and unfair."

William H. Schmidt, Nathan A. Burroughs, Pablo Zoido & Richard T. Houang (2015). The Role of Schooling in Perpetuating Educational Inequality: An International Perspective. Educational Researcher. Open access abstract

Uses PISA: on experienced curriculum at individual level. Quite special. Might show constructivist methods to harm (low SES) groups of students. I have to study this one carefully.

Our findings suggest that in most countries, the organization and policies defining content exposure may exacerbate educational inequalities.
from the abstract
Also:
Equations and inequalities. Making mathematics accessible to all. OECD webpage

Rebecca Tarlau (2016) If the past devours the future, why study? Piketty, social movements, and future directions for education, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 37:6, 861-872, Dó: 10.1080/01425692.2016.1165084 download here

Kathryn Moeller & Rebecca Tarlau (2016) Thomas Piketty's relevance for the study of education: reflections on the political economy of education, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 37:6, 805-809, Dó: 10.1080/01425692.2016.1200821 download here

Geraldine J. Clifford (1968/1984 pb). Edward L. Thorndike: The sane positivist. Wesleyan University Press. isbn 0819560928 [out of print] Amazon

The interesting chapter is XIV Individualism, heredity, and determinism (311-333).

About 1900, fierce discussions on nature-nurture questions. Big influencer here: Edward Thorndike en his ideas on the dominance of genetics in differences of intelligence. Intelligence is inborn, that is what psychology and what the public at large will take away from psychology at the turn of the century. Clifford is quite informative, see her pp. 322 ff. With Thorndike, as with other contemporaneous authors, his writing is a game with words. First supposing nurture to be equal, all differences must be due to genetic differences in innate abilities. That is logic, not empirical science. Nevertheles, the ideology here gets clad in the clothes of science, and is still highly influential in the psychological literature as well as in behavior genetics (e.g. Plomin and others). Today’s insight is, ‘yes, there are genetic differences, they get swamped by environmental circumstances, however’ (Nisbett; Ericsson; Flynn & Dickens). Another way to express the same thing: in environmental dynamics small genetic differences might be multiplied/enlarged. The enlargements, however, are environmental, not genetic. See Flynn 2016 on the complexities of that dynamics.

Crucial developments in American psychology about 1900 result in a lock-in of certain ideas on intelligence as a trait, the heritability of differences in that trait, and the stability of those differences (Thorndike, Pearson, Goddard). What is a lock-in? That is, e.g., the particular layout of the QUERTY keyboard. Those century old ideas get reflected in the six bullets of Hernstein & Murray (1994, p.

Ward categorically denies the scarcity of intelligence in the world, because intelligence is a product of opportunity and privilige. Evolutionary theories, he writes in Dynamic Sociology (1882), must henceforth consider the appearance of mind—that “thinking, knowing, foreseeing, calculating, designing, inventing and constructing faculty”—which makes man capable of turning evolution to his own conscious ends. No agentis more important in Ward’s “creative evolutionism” than the school. Previously haphazard, education must be deliberately exploited for the creation of intelligence; “intelligence, heretoforth a growth, is destined to become a manufacture,” he prophesizes.
( .. ) Thorndike’s comments on Ward’s Applied Sociology, appearing in Science and Bookman in 1906, maintain that intelligence can be increased only if eugenics encourages the bright to have more children endd the dull to have fewer. As for education, he declares, it should not be profligately expanded but given in amount and kind according to each individual’s capacity to profit from, enjoy, and use it. As he teaches in his courses in educational psychology, “The only thing that educational theorists of to-day seem to place as the foremost duty of the schools—the development of powers and capacities—is the one thing that the schools or any other national forces can do least.” [see note 20 for the exact source, bw]. Interested in questions of mental inheritance, [McKeen] Cattell knows of the gulf separating Thorndike from Ward when he asks Thorndike to write the review for Science. Although himself president of the Eugenics Research Association, Cattell cautions that hereditarian kowledge not be permitted to obstruct the extension of opportunity, including education; acknowledging the authoritativeness of such men as Galton, Pearson, and Thorndike, Cattell nevertheless thinks their hereditarian positions extreme and untenable.
p. 322
Consistently, after 1904 or so, Thorndike maintains that inherited intellectual differences exist. And more important in terms of a conservative-reform controversy, these differences are not significantly modifiable in the direction of equality. “Men differ by original nature. With equal nurture of an inferior sort they progress unequally to low stations, with equal nurture of a superior sort they progress unequally to high stations.” If absolute progress is largely induced by environment, relative progress is owed to innate differences in capacity to profit from or be injured by environment. The problem here is, of course, how to resaerch this claim. Obviously there is interaction acquired knowledge and the possibilities to make use of the affordances of the environment. How to disentangle them?
pp. 322-3

David C. Geary (1995). Reflections of evolution and culture in children's cognition. Implications for mathematical development and instruction. American Psychologist, 50, 24-36. pdf [Biologically primary and biologically secondary abilities]

André Tricot & John Sweller (2014). Domain-specific knowledge and why teaching generic skills does not work. Educational Psychology Review preview & concept

David Geary (2007). Educating the evolved mind: Conceptual foundations for an evolutionary educational psychology, Ch 1 in Educating the evolved mind: Conceptual foundations for an evolutionary educational psychology, JS Carlson & JR Levin (Eds). Information Age Publishing. [info] Chapter 1 pdf

In the first section, I make a distinction between biologically primary folk knowledge and abilities, that is, competencies that are components of evolved cognitive domains, and biologically secondary knowledge and abilities, that is, competencies acquired through formal or informal training. In this first section, I focus on primary abilities because these are the foundation for the construction of secondary abilities through formal education. In the second section, I discuss the evolution of general intelligence and how this evolution relates to the primary abilities discussed in the first section. In these first two sections, I provide more detail than might, at first read, seem to be needed. The details are necessary, however, if we are going to make a serious attempt to understand academic learning from an evolutionary perspective and are going to generate explicit and testable hypotheses about the relation between evolved cognitive and social biases and this learning. In the final section, I discuss the historical and schooling-based emergence of secondary abilities, focusing on potential cognitive and social mechanisms involved in the building of secondary competencies, and using reading and scientific reasoning as examples.
p. 3

David C. Geary (2005). The origin of mind. Evolution of brain, cognition, and general intelligence. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

John Sweller (). Story of a research program. Education Review webpage

Specifically, why could my participants easily solve their problems but seem to learn little from the exercise? I needed to determine their problem solving strategy and needed to analyse why that strategy was preventing learning. It took several years during the 1980s to identify the relevant cognitive structures and functions with much of the work continuing to use puzzle problems.
3

The function of problem solving using means-ends analysis seemed to be to reach the goal of a problem, not to learn, where learning was defined as transferring knowledge to long-term memory.

Stephen J. Ceci (1991). How much does schooling influence general intelligence and its cognitive components? A reassessment of the evidence Developmental Psychology https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.27.5.703 abstract [paywalled; do not have a copy yet, not via sci-hub?]

Christian N. Brinch & Taryn Ann Galloway (2011). Schooling in adolescence raises IQ scores PNAS pdf

We exploit a reform that increased com- pulsory schooling from 7 to 9 y in Norway in the 1960s to estimate the effect of education on IQ. We find that this schooling reform, which primarily affected education in the middle teenage years, had a substantial effect on IQ scores measured at the age of 19 y.
from the abstract
also: Magda Tsaneva (2017). Does school Matter? Learning outcomes of Indonesian children after dropping out of school. World Development Perspectives via Harry Patrinos.

David P. Baker, Daniel Salinas & Paul J. Eslinger (2012). An envisioned bridge: Schooling as a neurocognitive developmental institution. Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience, Volume 2, Supplement 1, 15 February 2012, Pages S6-S17 open access

Camilla Persson Benbow & David Lubinsky (Eds.) (). Intellectual talent. Psychometric and social issues. The Johns Hopkins University Press. pdf book

- a.o.
- 1. The IQ Controversy and the Gifted ABRAHAM J. TANNENBAUM 44
- 3. Educational Research and Educational Policy: The Strange Case of Acceleration JAMES J. GALLAGHER 83
- 3. The Role of the Educational Researcher in Educational Improvement: A Retrospective Analysis HERBERT J. KLAUSMéER 99
- 3. Assessing Spatial Visualization: An Underappreciated Ability for Many School and Work Settings LLOYD G. HUMPHREYS AND DAVID LUBINSKI 116
- 7. Motivating Academically Able Youth with Enriched and Accelerated Learning Experiences JOHN F. FELDHUSEN 145
- 9. Acceleration as an Option for the Highly Gifted Adolescent 169 NANCY M. ROBINSON
- 10. Lee J. Cronbach: Acceleration among the Terman males: correlates in midlife and after 179-191.
- 11. The Elephant in the Classroom: Ability Grouping and the Gifted 192 ELLIS B. PAGE AND TIMOTHY Z. KéTH
- 12. What Is Learned in School and What Is Learned Outside? 211 JAMES S. COLEMAN
- 13. In the Beginning: The Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth 225 JULIAN C. STANLEY
- 13. Correlates of High Mathematical Ability in a National Sample of Eighth Graders 301 RICHARD E. SNOW AND MICHELE ENNIS
- 19. The Utility of Out-of-Level Testing for Gifted Seventh and Eighth Graders Using the SAT-M: An Examination of Item Bias 333 CAMILLA PERSSON BENBOW AND LEROY WOLINS
- 19. Construct Validity of the SAT-M: A Comparative Study of High School Students and Gifted Seventh Graders 347 LOLA L. MINOR AND CAMILLA PERSSON BENBOW
- 19. Possible New Approaches to the Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth 384 N. L. GAGE
- 23. Giftedness and Genius: Crucial Differences 393 ARTHUR R. JENSEN

Jozef Brozek & Rand B. Evans (1977). R. I. Watson’s selected papers on the history of psychology (309-324). University of New Hampshire / University Press of New England. 0874511305

Deary, IJ 1996, 'Reductionism and intelligence: The case of inspection time' Journal of Biosocial Science, vol 28, no. 4, pp. 405-423. Dó: 10.1017/S0021932000022501pdf

Wendy Berliner & Deborah Eyre (2017). Great minds and how to grow them. Routledge. 9781138284609 info

Benjamin Alcott (July, 2017). Might progress assessments hinder equitable progress? Evidence from England. Educational Assessment, Evaluation and Accountability open access

Looks like a lot of sense as well as nonsense, with little guidance as to what is what. Why did I buy this one?

Nicholas Wright Gillham (2001). Sir Francis Galton. From African exploration to the birth of eugenics. Oxford University Press. isbn 0195143655 info

Written by a geneticist. Impressive. See pp 229-30 on Alfred Binet & Galton.

Galton: "Two mental peculiarities have to concur in the making of a calculating boy; the one is a special capacity for mental calculation, and the ther is ta passion to exercise it." [Francis Galton (1894). Psychology of mental arithmeticians and blindfold chess players. Nature, 51, 73-74. p. 73] Gillham: "Galton agued that the capacity for mental capacity might be heritable, as in the case of the Bidders [studied by Galton], but i f not used it would not be apparent. With this argument about hereditary predisposition Galton had neatly given nrture a secondary rle and opened the possibility that nature was at the root of the remarkable calculating prowess possessed by Inaudi and Diamandi [researched by Binet]. He had also predicted the existence of what we today call susceptibility genes."

James R. Newman (1956/1988). The world of mathematics. Tempus. isbn 1556151489

tweeted this one

Commentary on Sir Francis Galton 1141-1145
The selection below is a chapter from Hereditary Genius. The book exemplifies Galton's statistical approach and his primary interest in the problem of mental inheritance, and of improvement of the race by eugenic practices. The selection itself analyzes the distribution of mental abilty and suggests that the pattern resembles that of the distribution of physical traits. Galton's interest in this subject culminated in Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development (1883), a book regarded "as the beginning of scientific individual psychology and of the mental tests." But as Boring points out in his excellent History of Experimental psychology [p. 483], Galton's intention regarding the book was different [14] The effect on his mind of the publication of his cousin's Origin of Species was "to demolish a multitude of dogmatic barriers by a single stroke and to arouse a spirit of rebellion against all ancient authorities . . . contradicted by modern science." ( . . . ) His studies of heredity and genius place excessive importace on biological factors as determinants of personality and achievement.
p. 1144, Newman's commentary. In James R. Newman (1956/1988). The world of mathematics. Tempus. isbn 1556151489
Classification of men according to their natural gifts (a chapter from his Hereditary genius) 1147-1162

David Figlio and Krzysztof Karbownik (2017). Some schools much better than others at closing achievement gaps between their advantaged and disadvantaged students. Evidence Speaks Reports, Vol 2, #19 July 20, 2017. Economic Studies at Brookings. pdf

Rogier A. Kievit, Ulman Lindenberger, Ian M. Goodyer, Peter B. Jones, Peter Fonagy, Edward T. Bullmore, the Neuroscience in Psychiatry Network, and Raymond J. Dolan (2017). Mutualistic Coupling Between Vocabulary and Reasoning Supports Cognitive Development During Late Adolescence and Early Adulthood. Psychological Science open access

Linda S. Gottfredson (1997). Mainstream Science on Intelligence: An Editorial With 52 Signatories, History, and Bibliography. INTELLIGENCE U(I) 13-23 pdf

D. C. Geary, A. Nicholas & J. & Sun (2017). Developmental change in the influence of domain-general abilities and domain-specific knowledge on mathematics achievement: An eight-year longitudinal study. Journal of Educational Psychology, 109(5), 680-693. paywalled manuscript pdf

Elizabeth Dhuey, David Figlio, Krzysztof Karbownik, Jeffrey Roth (2017). School Starting Age and Cognitive Development. NBER Working Paper No. 23660 Issued in August 2017 download

Marlous Tiekstra (2016). Fostering the Learning Potential of At-risk Students in the Classroom: Studies into the Consequential Validity of Dynamic Assessment. Diss. Groningen University. downloads

Toby Young 25 August 2017 Free schools are working - just look at their GCSE results blog

Ian Deary (2000). Looking Down on Human Intelligence: From Psychometrics to the Brain. UBL PSYCHO P4.1.2.-80 not yet borrowed

Dylan Wiliam (2005). Measuring 'Intelligence': what can we learn and how can we move forward? Paper presented at the annual meeting of AERA, Montreal, Canada, April 2005. ETS. pdf

Many good points, and some that are controversial (in my opinion, that is ;-) ) (for example, the next to last sentence of the paper;part of the problem here is that intelligence and school achievement are somewhat the same constructs, already with Binet!).

Jeanne S. Chall (2000). The Academic Achievement Challenge. What Really Works in the Classroom? The Guilford Press. 1572307684 info

A book-length treatment of the effectiveness of traditional versus progressivist education; what educational research has to tell us.
Reviewed by Barak Rosenshine http://www.formapex.com/telechargementpublic/rosenshine2001a.pdf?616d13afc6835dd26137b409becc9f87=3cb1c0beeebcb810dd64c2d6f4ea30f2

Han L. J. van der Maas, Conor V. Dolan, Raoul P. P. P. Grasman, Jelte M. Wicherts, Hilde M. Huizenga, and Maartje E. J. Raijmakers (2006). A Dynamical Model of General Intelligence: The Positive Manifold of Intelligence by Mutualism Psychological Review, 113, 842-861. pdf

James Flynn (1999). Searching for Justice: The Discovery of IQ Gains Over Time American Psychologist researchgate

Toby Young (2015). The Fall of the Meritocracy. Quadrant online free

Mieke van Houtte (2017). Gender Differences in Context: The Impact of Track Position on Study Involvement in Flemish Secondary Education Sociology of Education open access

What is RTI? page

Successful in Quebec: here. Response to Intervention (RTI) is a multi-tier approach to the early identification and support of students with learning and behavior needs.

Getting older quicker. By Dave Thomson Educatio Datalab page

Moth of birth and achievement gaps.

The Question of Knowledge practicalities of a knowledge-based curriculum. Parents + Teachers for Excellence. pdf

Contents Foreword - Leora Cruddas 6 / Foreword - Rachel De Souza 7 / Michaela Khatib 8/ Rebecca Handley-Kirk 11/ Stuart Lock 14/ Luke Sparkes and Jenny Thompson 18/ Hywel Jones 21/ Mark Lehain 23/ Carolyn Roberts 26/ Libby Nicholas 28/ Oliver Knight 30/ Ian Bauckham 33/ Lynn James 37

Hans Luyten, Christine Merrell & Peter Tymms (2017): The contribution of schooling to learning gains of pupils in Years 1 to 6, School Effectiveness and School Improvement To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09243453.2017.1297312 pdf

Eton of the East End: Inspirational free school in one of London's most deprived areas sends 21 star pupils to train as doctors, dentists and vets. Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4893462/Free-school-London-sends-pupils-Universities.html#ixzz4w4zGStaH Follow us: @MailOnline on Twitter | DailyMail on Facebook article

Nicholas G. Shakeshaft , Maciej Trzaskowski, Andrew McMillan, Kaili Rimfeld, Eva Krapohl, Claire M. A. Haworth, Philip S. Dale, Robert Plomin (2017). Strong Genetic Influence on a UK Nationwide Test of Educational Achievement at the End of Compulsory Education at Age 16. Published: December 11, 2013 https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0080341 open access

Richard E. Nisbett, Joshua Aronson, Clancy Blair, William Dickens, James Flynn, Diane F. Halpern, Eric Turkheimer (2012). Intelligence. New Findings and Theoretical Developments. American Psychologist, 67, 130-159 pdf

abstract We review new findings and new theoretical developments in the field of intelligence. New findings include the follow- ing: (a) Heritability of IQ varies significantly by social class. (b) Almost no genetic polymorphisms have been discovered that are consistently associated with variation in IQ in the normal range. (c) Much has been learned about the biological underpinnings of intelligence. (d) "Crystallized " and "fluid " IQ are quite different aspects of intelligence at both the behavioral and biological levels. (e) The importance of the environment for IQ is established by the 12-point to 18-point increase in IQ when children are adopted from working-class to middle-class homes. (f) Even when improvements in IQ produced by the most effective early childhood interventions fail to persist, there can be very marked effects on academic achievement and life outcomes. (g) In most developed countries studied, gains on IQ tests have continued, and they are beginning in the developing world. (h) Sex differences in aspects of intelligence are due partly to identifiable biological factors and partly to socialization factors. (i) The IQ gap between Blacks and Whites has been reduced by 0.33 SD in recent years. We report theorizing concerning (a) the relationship between working memory and intelligence, (b) the appar- ent contradiction between strong heritability effects on IQ and strong secular effects on IQ, (c) whether a general intelligence factor could arise from initially largely independent cognitive skills, (d) the relation between self-reg- ulation and cognitive skills, and (e) the effects of stress on intelligence.

Richard E. Nisbett (2013). Schooling makes you smarter. What teachers need to know about IQ. American Educator Spring, 10-39. pdf

Larry Cuban (2017). Scaling Up: The Story of East Side Prep (Part 2) bog

this is an extraordinarily "successful " school by conventional measures

Rianne Kloosterman, Stijn Ruiter, Paul M. De Graaf, Gerbert Kraaykamp (2009). Parental education, children's performance and the transition to higher secondary education: trends in primary and secondary effects over five Dutch school cohorts (1965-99). First published: 20 May 2009 Dó: 10.1111/j.1468-4446.2009.01235.x [I have no access] abstract

Robert M. Hauser (2009). On "Quality and Equity in the Performance of Students and Schools" pdf

PISA is a most valuable, impressive, and complex project. Even a relatively narrow set of analyses, like those pertaining to social background and science performance in PISA 2006, are a large undertaking, and the authors of the PISA 2006 Analysis report (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. 2007c) deserve high praise for their work. Despite - or better said - because of this accomplishment, I think it is possible to refine and extend their findings in informative and useful ways.

Slava Kalyuga & Anne-Marie Singh (2015). Rethinking the Boundaries of Cognitive Load Theory in Complex Learning Educational Psychology Review, 28, 831-852. abstract

Diane Reay (2017). Miseducation. Inequality, education and the working classes. Policy Press. isbn 9781447330653 info - info

Interesting book. Reay falls for progressivist ideology, however. See p. 179 'austerity education': knwoledge based education is bad, skills-based education is good. or something.

Children as young as two grouped by ability in English nurseries The Guardian article

Gregory Clark (2014). The Son Also Rises : Surnames and the History of Social Mobility. Princeton University Press [eBook KB] [ch 7 Nature versus nurture pdf downloaded] How much of our fate is tied to the status of our parents and grandparents? How much does it influence our children? More than we wish to believe. While it has been argued that rigid class structures have eroded in favor of greater social equality, The Son Also Rises proves that movement on the soci.. wiki

David Didau (Dec 5, 2017). THOUGHT DEPENDS ON KNOWLEDGE blog

The Brain Basis of the Phonological Deficit in Dyslexia is Independent of IQ. Hiroko Tanaka and others (2011). Psychol Sci. 2011 Nov; 22(11): 1442-1451. open access

Keith E. Stanovich (2005). The future of a mistake: Will discrepancy measurement continue to make the learning disabilities field a pseudoscience? Learning Disability Quarterly, 28 103-106. pdf

October 02 2017 Program dramatically improves reading of at-risk students at an early age article

George Georgiou, a professor in the Department of Educational Psychology, is entering the third year of a research project that started following 290 Grade 1 students with reading difficulties across 11 Edmonton public schools. In two years, Georgiou and his colleagues have reduced the number of children continuing to struggle in reading to just seven, a mere 2.4 per cent of the number of children they started with.

Cathy L. Watkins (1997). Project Follow Through: A Case Study of Contingencies Influencing Instructional Practices of the Educational Establishment. . Cambridge Center for Behavioral Studies. pdf

Karola Dillenburger (2012). Why reinvent the wheel? A behaviour analyst 's reflections on pedagogy for inclusion for students with intellectual and developmental disability. Journal of Intellectual & Developmental Disability 37(2):169-80 Dó10.3109/13668250.2012.685705 concept

FFT TERM OF BIRTH RESEARCH A pupil 's term and month of birth can have a significant effect on their attainment, progress and development. It can also have a major impact on your school 's results. Find out more and download an FFT Term of Birth report for your own school. page

William Dickens (2005). Genetic differences and school readiness. February 2005 The Future of Children 15(1):55-69. researchgate (complete issue)

Arthur R. Jensen (1987). The g Beyond Factor Analysis. In Royce R. Ronning, Jane C. Conoley, John A. Glover, and Joseph C. Witt (Eds.) (1987). The influence of cognitive psychology on testing. Buros-Nebraska Symposium on Measurement and Testing. Volume 3. Erlbaum. isbn 0898598982 open access

John Mighton (2003). The myth of ability. Nurturing mathematical talent in every child. Anansi. isbn 0887846939 info

Niall Bolger, Avshalom Caspi, Geraldine Downey & Martha Moorehause (Eds.): Persons in context. Developmental processes. Cambridge University Press. isbn 052135577x [a.o.: Sandra Scarr (1988). How genotypes and environments combine: development and individual differences. (217-244)]

Charles Murray (2008). Real education. Four Simple Truths for Bringing America 's Schools Back to Reality. Three Rivers Press. pdf

Unfair schooling.

Joanne Brown (1992). The definition of a profession. The authority of metaphor in the history of intelligence testing, 1890-1930. Princeton Universty Press. [als eBook in KB] site

Council for Responsible Genetics: GENETIC DETERMINISM web page

Pierre Bourdieu et Jean-Claude Passeron (1970). La reproduction. éléments pour une théorie du système d'enseignement. Les Éditions de Minuit. La reproduction. éléments pur une théorie dy système d'enseignement. Les éditions Minuit. reviewed 1972

L'examen d'une illusion [article] Pierre Bourdieu Jean-Claude Passeron Revue française de sociologie Année 1968 9-1 pp. 227-253 Fait partie d'un numéro thématique : Sociologie de l'éducation. Volume II Résumés Documents liés Référence bibliographique web
Fugier Pascal, "Pierre Bourdieu et Jean-Claude Passeron, Les héritiers. Les étudiants et leurs études", dans revue Interrogations?, No.6. La santé au prisme des sciences humaines et sociales, juin 2008 [en ligne], web(Consulté le 9 janvier 2018).

Dylan Wiliam (2017). Learning and assessment: a long and winding road? Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy & Practice. Volume 24, 2017 - Issue 3: Assessment and Learning open access

Cinq idées que défend Stanislas Dehaene, l'éminence grise de Jean-Michel Blanquer 12/01/2018 France Culture web page

"Aux yeux de Stanislas Dehaene, un petit enfant parvient è extraire une quantité d'informations extraordinaire d'un petit nombre de stimulations. Ainsi, un enfant a besoin d'un nombre de stimulations bien inférieur è celui d'un adulte pour apprendre un mot: son algorithme, précise le chercheur, continue è fonctionner la nuit jusqu'è "trois fois plus efficacement que dans un cerveau adulte". A charge pour l 'école, donc, de fournir à ce "super-ordinateur" qu'est l'enfant, un environnement approprié et un enseignement structuré."
S'il fallait créer une nouvelle école, ce serait une école dans laquelle on prendrait plus au sérieux le point de départ des enfants, c'est-à-dire les compétences qu'ils ont dans le domaine des nombres ou du langage. On serait capable d'enrichir la stimulation qui est fournie à l'enfant. On sait que l'algorithme d'apprentissage qui est présent dans nos cerveaux dans les petites années, dans les jeunes années, est extraordinairement puissant. Malheureusement, on sait aussi, alors que les années passent, en particulier les années de la puberté, que cet algorithme va baisser en capacité, surtout pour les langues. Il y a matière, là, à réfléchir à ce que notre école pourrait &ecirque;tre si elle était mieux adaptée au cerveau de l'enfant.

D. Esposito (1973). Homogeneous and heterogeneous ability grouping: Principal findings and implications for evaluating and designing more effective educational environments. Review of Educational Research, 43, 163-180.

Abstract: "Suggests that the extent to which ability grouping is permitted to exist represents the extent to which public educators and governmental agencies sanction subquality education in a setting that is charged with the responsibility of developing each child to his fullest. The practice tends to isolate children arbitrarily and to discourage alternative thinking and flexibility in the design of effective learning environments. Interpretations and guidelines are offered to help alleviate the weaknesses in our schools and hasten the development and implementation of more effective structures of education."

Linda Jarvin & Robert J. Sternberg (2003). Alfred Binet's contributions as a paradigm for impact in psychology. Chapter 3 in B. J. Zimmerman & D. H. Schunk (Eds.) (2003). Educational psychology: A century of contributions. Erlbaum.google.books [whole book] Also as chapter 5 in Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (2003): The anatomy of impact. What makes the great works of psychology great. American Psychological Association. In the latter book pp 3-19 also: Dean Keith Simonton (2003). Francis Galton's Hereditary genius: its place in the history and psychology of science.

An absolutely essential feature of Darwin's theory is the assumption that organisms vay on various characteristics. It is this variation that provides te raw maerial on which natural selection operates—no variation, no selection. Not surprisingly, Galton argues that human beings were no different. But in line with his mathematical predilections, Galton went a step further by attempting to describe precisely the probability distribution of individual differences. His point of departure was Adolphe Quételet's work establishing that individual differences in physical characteristics, such as height, could be accurately described by the Laplace-Gauss distribution. Galton then proceeded to argue that exactly the same "norrmal" or "bell-shaped" curve could be applied to human psychological attributes. In particular, he claimed that this distribution was descriptive of individual differences in what Galton calle natural ability. To establish this claim, he analyzed the distribution of test performance—on the Cambridge Mathematical Tripos and the Royal Militay College entrance exams—and found a conspicuous concordane with statistical expectation.
p/ 5
[comment: the crux is, Galton assumes ability to be a natural or inborn characteristic. Why would that be? Why assume it without much ado?

Dirk van Damme (23 januari 2018) tweet Slides of my keynote speech at the European @goal_project Conference, Brussels, 17 January 2018, on educational opportunities throughout the life-course, focusing on skills use and adult learning. slides

OECD Education Working Papers . Academic resilience: What schools and countries do to help disadvantaged students succeed in PISA http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/e22490ac-en read

Jill Barshay (June 27, 2016). Is it better to teach pure math instead of applied math? OECD study of 64 countries and regions finds significant rich-poor divide on math instruction. column

Jorge Luis García, James J. Heckman, Anna L. Ziff (). Gender differences in the benefits of an influential early childhood program. Working Paper 23412 NBER pdf

Perry, Abecedarian etcetera?

Arthur J. Reynolds, Suh-Ruu Ou, Judy A. Temple (2018). A Multicomponent, Preschool to Third Grade Preventive Intervention and Educational Attainment at 35 Years of Age. JAMA Pediatrics, 2018; Dó: 10.1001/jamapediatrics.2017.4673 Dó

Inga Schwabe, Luc Janss and Stéphanie M. van den Berg (2017). Can We Validate the Results of Twin Studies? A Census-Based Study on the Heritability of Educational Achievement. Front. Genet. open access

Draadje Tim van der Zee Twitter

So irrespective of study design, twins or census, we find a high heritability for educational achievement in the Netherlands. The high heritability might be explained by the homogeneity in educational opportunities: most schools are tied to a standard curriculum and funded by the government (Sturm et al., 1998; de Zeeuw et al., 2015), which might restrict the variation in school environments, leading to smaller individual differences between (see e.g., Heath et al., 1985; Kovas et al., 2013; Shakeshaft et al., 2013; Colodro-Conde et al., 2015 for a similar argument).

Douglas K.Detterman (2014). Introduction to the intelligence special issue on the development of expertise: is ability necessary? [Special issue on Ericsson's research] Intelligence, 45, July-August 1-5. [whole issue was temporarily open access] abstract

A. H. Halsey (Ed.) (1961). Ability and educational opportunity. OECD.

- Dael Wolfle: National resources of ability 49-68
- Jean Ferrez: Regional inequalities in educational opportunity 69-90
- Jean Floud: Social class factors in educational achievement 91-112
- Torsten Husén 113-136
- P. de Wolff and K. Härnqvist: Reserves of ability: size and distribution 137-178
- John Vaisey: A note on comparative statistics 179-184
- Some comparative educational statistics 185-194

Dawn Foster (20 Feb 2018). Helping gifted children is all very well - but what about the rest? blog The Guardian

Raymond B. Cattell & H. J. Butcher (1968). The prediction of achievement and creativity. Bobbs-Merrill. lccc 67-18662 [niet in UB Leiden]

The community's task in the fulfillment of the individual
The nature of abilities
1. Introduction
2. Techniques for the analysis of abilities
3. Previous theories of the structure of abilities
4. Hereditary and cultural determinants of ability
5. The theory of fluid and crystallized general ability
6. The relation of crystallized intelligence to general level of attainment
7. The development of perceptual and culture fair intelligence tests
8. Some further characteristics of culture fair tests
9. Indicated reforms in the use of intelligence tests in schools
The relation of abilities to scholastic achievement
Measuring the main dimensions of personality
Concepts and measures of motivation and interest
Principles for evaluating validity and consistenc in psychological tests
Scaling, standardization, and other properties required in psychological tests
The planning and design of a research into the predicton of school achievement
The prediction of school achievement from meausres of ability and the structure of abilities in high school students
The prediction of achievement from personality factors
The observed structure of children's interests
The associations of environmental factors and achievement
1. The effect of cultural differences on the prediction of achievement
2. Cross-cultural research on motivation for achievement
3. Educational achievement in particular racial and regional groups
4. The correlations of economic level and social class
5. The correlations of school, neighborhood, facilities, and atmosphere
The predition of achievement in a wider context
1. Beyond the school: achievement in occupation, family, and society
2. Time and achievement
3. Considerations of criterion reliabilities
4. The dimensions of achievement
5. The predictive utility of various types of data
Originality and creativity in school and society
1. Creativity and its role in society
2. Some previous research on creativity
3. General associations of creativity and pseudocreativity
4. The relation of cognitive abilities to creativity
5. The roots of creativity in personality studied biographically
The prediction, selection, and cultivation of creativity
1. The general problems in fostering creativity
2. For what working conditions are we selecting creative individuals?
3. Defining the creativity criterion
4. Creativity prediction by psychological tests aimed at a 'creative type'
5. Creativity prediction by regression on a criterion of effectiveness within a research group
6. The broader context of the predictive problem
7. Applications in education
8. 'Training for creativity'
The organization of practical psychological procedures for predicting achievement, creativity, and adjustment

Raymond B. Cattell (1971). Abilities: Their structure, growth, and action.. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. isbn 0395042755 archive.org Arthur Jensen review

The scientific goals of ability study
Principles and methods in investigating general mental capacity
The nature of primary abilities
Principles in Drawing the Map of Abilities
The Discovery of Fluid and Crystalized General Intelligence
Higher-Stratum Ability Structure and the 'Investment Theory' of Intelligence
The Natural History of Ability: Distribution and Relation to Sex and Age
Physiological and Neurological Bases of Intelligence
Ultra-Human Intelligence: Illumination from Evolution of Animals and Machines
The Debate on Heredity and Environment: Abilities in Relation to Race and Culture
The Triadic Theory of Abilities Developmentally Related to Structural Learning Theory
Personality-Ability Interactions and the Prediction of Achievement
Genius and the Processes of Creative Thought
Intelligence and Society

p. 294-5 some belated eugenitical thinking by Cattell, brrrr

Alfred Binet & Théodore Simon (1916/1973 reprint). The development of intelligence in children. (The Binet-Simon Scale). Translated by Elizabeth S. Kite. Reprint: New York Arno Press. isbn 0405051350 online

A. Pluchino, A. E. Biondo, A. Rapisarda (2018). Talent vs Luck: the role of randomness in success and failure. arXiv:1802.07068v2 [physics.soc-ph] open

Maybe 'talent' can be shown to be distributed randomly (not genetically)? Would be a small sensation.

Drew Bailey, Greg J. Duncan, Tyler Watts, Doug Clement, Julie Sarama (2018). Risky Business: Correlation and Causation in Longitudinal Studies of Skill Development pdf

Robert J. Duncan, Sara A. Schmitt, Maura Burke, Megan M. McClelland (2018). Combining a kindergarten readiness summer program with a self-regulation intervention improves school readiness. Early Childhood Research Quarterly Volume 42, 1st Quarter 2018, Pages 291-300 open

Useful literature.

Mary A. Jensen & Stacie G. Goffin (Eds) (1993). Visions of entitlement. The care and education of America's children. SUNY. isbn 0791416763 info

Entitlement in Early Care and Education: A Tale of Two Rights - Sharon L. Kagan
Children's Welfare Rights Are Entitlements - Colin A. Wring
The Concept of Entitlement and Its Incompatibility with American Legal Culture - Gary B. Melton and Megan Sullivan
Well-Being, Entitlements, and Investment in Children: An Economic Perspective - Robert Haveman and Barbara Wolfe
Children's Rights in a Civilized Society - Stuart N. Hart
Equal Opportunity for Infants and Young Children: Myth or Reality? - Stanley I. Greenspan
The Other Childhood: The Classroom Worlds of Poor Children - Valerie Polakow
Health Care Entitlements for Children: Providing Health Services as if Children Really Mattered - Neal Halfon and Gale Berkowitz
The Dilemma of Rural American Communities and Their Children - Gordon Hoke
Creating a Political Climate that Values and Supports Children - Cheryl D. Hayes
Supporting Families in Their Creation of Contexts for Child Rearing - Bernice Weissbourd
Building Villages: Lessons from Policy Entrepreneurs - Heather B. Weiss

A third view examines entitlement from a psychological and social perspective as a set of expectations or dispositions inside the child's head. Coles (1977) describes this form of entitlement as a manner of response toward life associatied with a continuous and insistent emphasis on the possibiities, cultivation, and development of the "self." Thus, entitlement is not just a feeling, but is acting upon that feeling. Such a manner of response, according to Coles, is most commonly observed among children from well-to-do, privileged families.
Mary A. Jensen, Introduction, p. x
R. Coles (1977). Privileged ones: The well-off and the rich in America. Boston: Littke, Brown.

Sir W. H. Hadow (chair) (1924). Board of Education. Report of the consultative committee on psychological tests of educable capacity and their possible use in the public system of education. London: His Majesty's Stationary Office. paper The Committee's Report pp. 1-145. Appendices 146-238 a.o. by Cyril Burt. full text

Judith Blake (1989). Family size and achievement. University of California Press. isbn 0520062965 free online https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft6489p0rr&brand=ucpress

Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi & Reed Larson (1984). Being adolescent. Conflict and growth in the teenage years. Basic Books. isbn 0465006469

Chapter 10 Coping with classes 198-217
If students felt, on the whole, that being in school advanvced their goals, if they enjoyed the academic challenges, their selves would glow stronger as they learned. But schools are essentially machines for providing negative feedback. They are supposed to reduce deviance, to constrain the behavior and the minds of adolescents within straight and narrow channels (..) It is important to find out what the educational process does to the self as a whole, not just to its cognitive dimensions.
p. 198-9
The lack of clear measures for evaluating psychological effects of formal education has not deterred scholars and layment alike from passing judgment on what happens in schools. Some of the studies of high school life present a rather dismal picture (see, for example, Bowles and Gintis 1976 [Schooling in capitalist America. Educational reform and the contradictions of economic life. Routledge & Kegan Paul. isbn 0710084862 see this page; Coleman 1961 [The adolescent society. Free Press. LCCC 61-4725 a selection by Coleman himself]; Friedenberg 1966; Havighurst 1948Developmental tasks and education. McKay. info]; Henry 1965 [Culture against man. Vintage. archive.org]; Hollingshead 1949 [Elmtown's youth. Wiley. borrow archive.org]; Holt 1967 [How children fail. Pitman. pdf]; Goodman 1964 [Compulsory mis-education Horizon. review]; Illich 1971 [De-schooling society. Harper & Row pdf]). Based on sensitive observation, empathy, and common sense, they carry conviction—at least for those who share the observer's assumptions. Unfortunately, their divergent conclusions are often difficult to reconcile. Although most commentators agree that schooling is a powerful source of alienation among youth, the reasons proposed for this state of affairs are often diametrically opposed to one another (see Larkin 1979 [Suburban youth in cultural crisis Oxford UP info]; Wynne 1980 [Behind the discipline problem: youth suicide as a measure of alienation. Phi Delta Kappan, 59, 307-315 Jstor read online]).
p. 199

Gillian Pugh (ed.) (1992). Contemporary issues in the early years. Working collaboratively for children. London: Paul Chapman / National Children's Bureau. isbn 1853961736

Robert J. Sternberg & John Kolligian, Jr. ((Eds) (1990). Competence considered. Yale University Press. isbn 0300045670

a.o.:
John G.Nicholls: What is ability and why are we mindful of it? A developmental perspective 11-40
Deborah A. Phillips and Marc Zimmerman: The developmental course of perceived competence and incompetence among competent children: 41-66
Paul M.Janos: The self-perceptions of uncommonly bright youngsters 98-116
Robert J. Sternberg: The prototypes of competence and incompetence 117-145
Ellen J. Langer & Kwangyang Park: Incompetence: A conceptual reconsideration 149-166
Albert Bandura: Conclusion: Reflections on nonability determinants of competence 315-360

Burton L. White, Jean Carew Watts, & others (1973 2nd,1978). Experience and environment. Major influences on the development of the young child. Prentice-Hall. Two volumes. isbn 0132948435 isbn 0132948192 some info

#reference Original research: the Harvard Preschool Project.

No amount of studies of a correlational nature and focused on the degree of genetic similarity of individuals can lead to an adequate scientific explanationof the differential effects of nature and nurture on the development of abilities.
p. 188

Cecil R. Reynolds & Randy W. Kamphaus (1990). Handbook of psychological and educational assessment of children: intelligence and achievement London: The Guilford Press. 089862391X info

- a.o.:
- A History of the Development of Psychological and Educational Testing, Joseph L. French & Robert L. Hale. 3-28
- Jonathan Sandoval & Mary Griffihs Irvin: Legal and ethical issues in the assessment of children 86-104 -
- Krista J. Stewart, Cecil R. Reynolds & Alison Lorys-Vernon: Professional standards and practice in child assessment 105-125 -
- Cecil B. Reynolds & Alan S. Kaufman: Assessment of children's intelligence with the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children - Revised (WISC-R) 127-165
- Antonia A. Forster & Joseph D. Matarazzo: Assessing the intelligence of adolescents with the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale - Revised (WAIS-R) 166-182
- Joan F. Goodman: Infant intellignece: Do we, can we, should we assess it? 183-208
- Richard R. Valencia: Clinical assessment of young children with the McCarthy Scales of Children's Abilities 209-258
- Randy M. Kamphaus, Alan S. Kaufman & Patti L. Harrison: Clinical assessment practic with the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K-ABC) 259-176
- Joseph J. Glutting & David Kaplan: Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, fourth edition: Making the case for reasonable interpretations 277-295
- Joseph J. Glutting & Paul A. McDermott: Principles and problems in learning potential 296-347 -
- Jack A. Naglieri & Peter N. Prewett: Nonverbal intelligence measures: A selected review of instruments and their use 348-370
- Philip A. Vernon & Monica Mori: Physiological approaches to the assessment of intelligence 389-403
- Anthony J. Nitko & Suzanne Lane: Standardized multilevel survey acievement batteries 405-434
- Lynn S. Fuchs & Douglas Fuchs: Curriculum-based assessment 435-455
- Ronald K. Hambleton & Caig Jurgensen: Criterion-referenced assessment of school achievement 456-476 -
- Ernest T. Goetz, Robert J. Hall & Thoms G. Fetsco: Implications of cognitive psychology for assessment of academic skill 477-503 -
- Warren D. Crown: Assessment of mathematics ability 504-522 -
- Beverly D. Stratton & Martha Crouthers Grindler: Diagnostic assessment of reading 523-534
- Jeanne S. Chall & Mary E. Curtis: Diagnostic achievement testing in reading 535-515
- Randy W.Kamphaus, Jerry Slotkin & Catherine DeVincentis: Clinical assessment of children's academic achievement 552-569
- Cecil B. Reynolds & Steven M. Kaiser: Bias in assessment of aptitude 611-653
- Ann E. Boehm: Assessment of children's knowledge of basic concepts 654-670
- Richard E. Figuera: Assessment of linguistic minority children 671-696
- Patricia A. Haensly & E. Pal Torrance: Assessment of creativity in children and adolescents 697-722 -
- C. Sue McCullough: Computerized assessment 723-749 -
- Kathleen D. Paget: Assessment of intellectual competence in preschool-age children: conceptual issues and challenges 751-760
- Christine W.Burns: Assessing the psychological and educational needs of the moderately and severely mentally retarded 789-802

Dean Keith Simonton (1999). Origins of genius. Darwinian perspectives on creativity. Oxford University Press. isbn 0195128796 info

John Radford (1990). Child prodigies and exceptional early achievers. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. isbn 0745007511 archive.org

"Most importnatly, the author convinces us that, while child prodifies may be exceptioal, their gifts do not lie outside the normalprocesses of human deveopment."

Why do disadvantaged schools tolerate poor behaviour? MARCH 11, 2018 / STEALINGBISCUITSISWRONG blog

Tom Bennett (2017). Creating a Culture: How school leaders can optimise behaviour. pdf

Softly Killing the Working Classes: the dangers of 'teaching' soft skills FEBRUARY 28, 2018 / STEALINGBISCUITSISWRONG blog

Robert J. Sternberg (1997). Thinking styles. Cambridge University Press. isbn 9780521553162 info

Using a variety of examples that range from scientific studies to personal anecdotes, Dr. Sternberg presents a theory of thinking styles that aims to explain why aptitude tests, school grades, and classroom performance often fail to identify real ability. He believes that criteria for intelligence in both school and the workplace are unfortunately based on the ability to conform rather than to learn. He takes this theory a step farther by stating that "achievement" can be a result of the compatability of personal and institutional thinking styles, and "failure" is too often a result of a conflict of thinking styles, rather than a lack of intelligence or aptitude.

Benjamin S. Bloom (1976). Human characteristics and school learning.. McGraw-Hill. isbn 0070061173

Dr. Bloom contends that much of individual differences in school learning may be regarded as man-made and accidental rather than fixed in the individual at the time of conception.
tweeted
The main thesis of this book is that individual differences in learning is an observable phenomenon which can be predicted, explained, and altered in a great variety of ways. In contrast, individual differences in learners is a more esoteric notion. It frequently obscures our efforts to deal directly with educational problems in that it searches for explanations in the person of the learner rather than in the interaction between individuals and the educational and social environments in which they have been placed.
8
When I first entered the field of educational reearch and measurement, the prevailing construct was:
1. There are good learners and there are poor learners
This was considered to be a relatively permanent attribte of the individual. It was also the prevailing view that individuals possessed it in different amounts and that a quantitative index of it could be made by the use of an appropriate intelligence, aptitude, or achievement test. Furthermore, it was believed that good learners could learn the more complex and abstract ideas, while poor learners could learn only the simplest and most concrete ideas. School systems throughout the world have been organized on the basis of this constrct and selection systems, and even the curriculum has been built on the basis of it.

During the early 1960s, some of us became interested in the Carroll Model of School Learning, whcih was built on the construct:
2. There are faster learners and there are slower learners
While we were not entirely clear whether or not rate of learning was a permanent trait of individuals, we dedicated ourselves to finding ways by which the slower learners could be given the extra time and help they needed to attain some criterion of achievement. In this research, in both educational laboratories as well as classrooms in different nations, it has become evident that a large proportion of slower learners may learn as well as faster learners. When the slower learners do cucceed in attaining the same ci=riterion of achievement as the faster learners, they appear to be able to learn equally complex and abstract ideas, they can apply these ideas to new problems, and they can retain the ideas equally well—in spite of the fact that they learned with more time and help than was given to others. Furthermore, their interests and attitudes toward the school subjects in which they attain the achievement criterion are as positive as those those of the faster learners.

During the past decade, my studnets and I have done research which has led us to the view that:
3. Most students become very similar with regard to learning ability, rate of learning, and motivation for further learning—when provided with favorable learning conditions
This research questions the first two constructs, especially about the permanence of good-poor learning ability or fast-slow learning characteristics. However, the reaerch does demonstrate that when students are provided with with unfacorable learning conditions, they become even more dissimilar with regard to learning ability, rate of learning, and motivation for further learning. It is this research which underlies the theory of school learning developed in this book. It is this research which we believe has profound consequences for the prevailing views about human nature, human characteristics, and school learning.
p. ix-x

Benjamin S. Bloom (1964). Stability and change in human characteristics. New York: Wiley. lccc 64-17133

My annotation: A theory of fair schooling is in dire need of a general theory of assessment in education. The latter theory does not yet exist, which is a bloody shame on the educational research community. Such a theory will of necessity revolve around personal differences: e.g., what they might be, how they are perceived, how education handles them or should handle them. Bloom's book might be regarded as a camel nose: is such a theory possible at all? Yes, it definitely is. The problem being that such a general theory will be strongly inter-disciplinary. In one way or another it will have to be integrated with the kind of social systems theory developed by James Coleman (1989): education is a complex game between different stakeholders.
Benjamin S. Bloom (1966). Stability and Change in Human Characteristics: Implications for School Reorganization. Educational Administration Quarterly, 2, 35-49. [nog geen pdf opgehaald] abstract
Benjamin S. Bloom (1976). Human characteristics and school learning.. McGraw-Hill. isbn 0070061173 above
Avshalom Caspi, Brent W. Roberts & Rebecca L. Shiner (2005). Personality development: Stability and change. Annual Review of Psychology, 56, 453-484. researchnet
R. Chris Fraley & Brent W. Roberts (2005). Patterns of Continuity: A Dynamic Model for Conceptualizing the Stability of Individual Differences in Psychological Constructs Across the Life Course. Psychological Review, 112, 60-74. adademia.edu

Nancy Cantor & John F. Kihlstrom (1987). Personality and intelligence. Prentice-Hall. isbn 0136579663 later chapter [on social intelligence]

Lifetime intelligence and problem solving. I hope for an inroad to the problem how to describe social intelligence in daily life of grownups (e.g. Ch 6. Life tasks and problem-solving strategies). Expertise is an important concept here, as are declarative and procedural knowledge.

Robert J. Sternberg (1985). Beyond IQ. A triarchic theory of human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521278910

Robert J. Sternberg (1988). The triarchic mind. A new theory of human intelligence. New York: Viking. isbn 0670803642 archive.org borrow [inserted: Robert J. Sternberg, Bruce Torff & Elena Grigorenko (1998): Teaching for succesful intelligence raises school achievement. Phi Delta Kappan, May, 667-9 "The researchers describe a study that showed that an educational intervention based on the theory of successful intelligence improved school achievement, both on performance assessments measuring analytical, creative, and practical achievements and on conventional multiple-choice memory assessments."]

Robert J. Sternberg (1997). Successfull intelligence New York: Plume. text I do not have access to the book.
Sternberg, R. J. (2011). The theory of successful intelligence. In R J. Sternberg & S. B. Kaufman (Eds.), Cambridge handbook of intelligence (pp. 504-527). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Sternberg, R. J. (2005). The theory of successful intelligence. Interamerican Journal of Psychology, 39(2), 189-202.
Sternberg, R. J. (2003). Wisdom, intelligence, and creativity synthesized. New York: Cambridge University Press. [UB Leiden PSYCHO C6.-100]
Sternberg, R. J. (1999). The theory of successful intelligence. Review of General Psychology, 3, 292-316.

Daniel Calhoun (1973). The intelligence of a people. Princeton University Press. isbn 0691046190

- o.a.
- Lee J. Cronbach: The two disciplines of scientific psychology 22-42 html
  Institutions, by demanding adaptation, serve as instruments of natural selection among men. . . . To Spencer, to Galton, and to their successors down to the present day, the successful are those who have the greatest adjustive capacity. The psychologist's job, in this tradition, is to facilitate or anticipate natural selection. He seeks only to reduce its cruelty and wastage by predicting who will survive in schools and other institutions as they are. He takes the system for granted and tries to identity who will fit into it. His devices have a conservative influence because they identify persons who will succeed in the existing institution. By reducing failures, they remove a challenge which might otherwise force the institution to change.
  (Lee J. Cronbach, (1957). The two disciplines of scientific psychology. American Psychologist, 12, 671-684. p. 679)
- Lee J. Cronbach & Paul E. Meehl: Construct validity in psychological tests. 57-77 html
- Donald T. Campbell & Donald W. Fiske: Convergent and discriminant validation by the multitrait-multimethod matrix. 124-132 abstract
- Standards for Educational and Psychological Tests and Manuals. 169-189. (the complete 1st edition of The Standards!)
- Frederic M. Lord: Further problems in the measurement of growth. Educational and Psychological Measuement preview
- J. P. Guilford: Some lessons from aviation psychology.
- Edward E. Cureton: Validity, reliability, and baloney. 372-373
- Paul E. Meehl & Albert Rosen: Antecedent probability and the efficiency of psychometric signs, patterns, or cutting scores. 392
- J. P. Guilford (1959): Three faces of intellect 421-433 American Psychologist abstract See also: Guilford, J. P. (1956). The structure of the intellect. Psychological Bulletin, 53,267-293. abstract
- J. P. Guilford, Norman W. Kettner & Paul W. Christensen (1956): The nature of the general reasoning factor 434-437 Psychological Review
- Louis Guttman (1958). A psychological design for a theory of mental abilities 438-446 Educational and Psychological Measurement
- Lloyd G. Humphreys (1962). The organization of human abilities. 447-457 American Psychologist
- George M. Guthrie (1963). The structure of abilities in a non-western culture 458-468 Journal of Educational Psychology
- Lewis M. Terman (1954). The discovery and encouragement of exceptional talent 469-479 American Psychologist
- Jacob W. Getzels & Philip W. Jackson (1961). A study of the sources of highly intelligent and of highly creative adolescents 480-490 American Sociological Review
- Donald W.Mackinnon (1962). The nature and nurture of creative talent 491-503 American Psychologist

Robert Siegler, Judy DeLoache, Nancy Eisenberg (2006 2nd). How children develop. Worth Publishers. isbn 9780716795278

Rachel Brown-Chidsey & Kristina J. Andren (Eds.) (2013). Assessment for intervention. A problem-solving approach. Guilford. isbn 9781462506783

Ch.12: The role of intelligence testing in understanding students' academic problems.

The Current State of Scientific Knowledge on Pre-Kindergarten Effects. Consensus Statement from the Pre-Kindergarten Task Force. pdf

Cyril Burt (1921/1933). Mental and scholastic tests. London: P. S. King. UBL 3658 C 4 & HISPSY VIDE B 51 G 25 archive.org

A big volume about the Binet-Simon intelligence tests, in English translation.

The object of the following work is to present a provisional set of practical scales for measuring intellectual ability abd educational attainments. They are designed for the use of teachers and of all who may wish to examine children in ordinary and special elementary schools. ( .. )
Intellectual ability is considered primarily in its broadest form, that commonly described as general intelligence; and it is treated as measurable by the most popupar tests, those devised by by Dr. Simon and the late Professor Binet. ( .. ) In my endeavour to standardise the theoretical criteria, I have been concerned chiefly with the diagnosis of mental deficiency - the purpose for which the scale has been most widely employed.
xiv

Jerome Karabel and A. H. Halsey (Eds.) (1977). Power and ideology in education. New York: Oxford University Press. isbn 0195021398 info

- a.o.
- Jerome Karabel & A. H. Halsey (1977): Educational research: A review and an interpretation 1-85 [Introduction, original contribution]
- Randall Collins (1971): Functional and conflict theories of educational stratification 118-136 American Sociological Review, 36, 1002-1019
- Samuel Bowles: Unequal education and the reproduction of the social division of labor 137-152
- A. H. Halsey: Towards meritocracy? The case of Britain 173-185
- Raymond Boudon: Education and social mobility: A structural model 186-196
- William H. Sewell & Vimal P. Shah: Socioeconomic status, intelligence, and the attainment of higher education 197-214
- Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis: I.Q. in the U.S. class structure 215-231 [extracted from Social Policy, 1972, 65-96] [not online; possible alternative: Samuel Bowles, Herbert Gintis and Peter Meyer (1975). Education, IQ, and the legitimation of the social division of labor. Berkeley Journal of Sociology, 20, (1975-76), pp. 233-264 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41336295]
- Torsten Husén: Academic performance in selective and comprehensive schools 275-281
- Aaron V. Cicourel & John I. Kitsuse: The school as a mechanism of social differentiation 282-291
- Ray C. Rist: On understanding the processes of schooling: The contributions of labeling theory 292-305
- Theodore W. Schultz: Investment in human capital 313-324
- Lester Thurow: Education and economic equality 325-334
- Barry Bluestone: Economic theory and the fate of the poor 335-339
- Michael W. Miles: The student movement and the industrialization of higher education 432-449
- Jack Goody & Ian Watt: The consequences of literacy 456-472
- Basil Bernstein: Social class, language and socialisation 473-486
- Pierre Bourdieu: Cultural reproduction and social reproduction 487-510 [originally in Richard Brown (Ed.) (1973). Knowledge, education, and social change. 71-112]
- Basil Bernstein: Class and pedagogies: visible and invisible 511-534
- Fritz K. Ringer: Cltural transmission in German higher education in the nineteenth century 535-543
- Daniel Bell: On meritocracy and equality 607-634

Michael Young (2009). What are schools for? Chapter 1.1 in ?? pdf and another version

pdf

Robert J. Sternberg, Wendy M. Williams (Eds.) (1998). Intelligence, Instruction, and Assessment: Theory into Practice. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. [UB Leiden PEDAG. 46.a.107]

1. Applying the Triarchic Theory of Human Intelligence in the Classroom 1 Robert J. Sternberg
2. Minds at Work: Applying Multiple Intelligences in the Classroom 17 Mara Krechevsky and Steve Seidel
3. Intelligent Schooling 43 Roger C. Schank and Diana M. Joseph
4. Learnable Intelligence and Intelligent Learning 67 Heidi L. Goodrich Andrade and David N. Perkins
5. The Practical Use of Skill Theory in Classrooms 95 Jim Parziale and Kurt W. Fischer
6. The g Factor and the Design of Education 111 Arthur R. Jensen
7. Intelligent Thinking and the Reflective Essay 133 Baron Jonathan
8. A Three-level Theory of the Developing Mind: Basic Principles and Implications for Instruction and Assessment 149 Andreas Demetriou and Nicos Valanides
9. Mastering Tools of the Mind in School (Trying Out Vygotsky's Ideas in Classrooms) 201 Elena L. Grigorenko

[the second revised edition 1916 is available online https://archive.org/details/anintroductiont00thorgoog] archive.org 2nd edition 1916

Geen aanknopingspunten voor eerlijk onderwijs-->

Michael Young (1958). The rise of the meritocracy 1870 - 2033. An essay on education and equality. Thames and Hudson. 1st printing info

. Also annotations and more literature

Roel J. Bosker, Bert P. M. Creemers and Sam Stringfield (Eds.) (1999). Enhancing educational excellence, equity and efficiency. Evidence from evaluations of systems and schools in change. Kluwer. isbn 0792361385 preview

- Felicity Fletcher-Campbell, Cor J. W. Meijer & Sip Jan Pijl: Integration policy and practice (passend onderwijs, WSNS weer samen naar school) 65-88
- Hetty P. J. M. Dekkers, Sjoerd Karsten & Fons M. L. van Wieringen: Changing Relationships between Centre and Locality in Education 11-36
- Geert W. J. M. Driessen & Lia W. J. Mulder: The Enhancement of Educational Opportunities of Disadvantaged Children 37-64
- Felicity Fletcher-Campbell, Cor J. W. Meijer & Sip Jan Pijl: Integration policy and practice 65-88
- Roel J. Bosker, Peter Blatchford & G. Wim Meijnen: The forthcoming Class Size Reduction Initiative. (klassegrootte) 89-112
- Geertje P.C. van der Werf, Hennie P. Brandsma, Lidwien M.C.M. Cremers-van Wees & Miranda J. Lubbers: Quality and Opportunities in Secondary Education: Implementation and Effects of the Common Core Curriculum 113-136
- Brenda Taggart & Pam Sammons: Evaluating the impact of a raising school standards initiative 137-166
- Peter W. Hill & V. Jean Russell: Systemic, Whole-School Reform of the Middle Years of Schooling 167-196
- Jaap Scheerens & Bert P.M. Creemers: Review and Prospects of Educational Effectiveness Research in the Netherlands 197-222

Scott T. Meier (1994). The chronic crisis in psychological measurement and assessment. A historical survey. Academic Press. isbn 0124884407 info

Binet 6, 7, 12, 16-18, 60, 63, 80, 86, 190, 191
The gain of traits and the loss of situations
Psychologists interpreted Binet's results as evidence of an intelligence factor, which Spearman labeled g. Noting the intercorrelations of different components of intelligence tests, psychologists assumed that individuals applied g in all domains. g was assumed to be a hereditary factor, thereby largely stable and immune to situational influences. It was a psychological trait. Thus, intelligence testing, which came to be the model and standard for all psychological testing, emphasized the importance of enduring psychological attributes—traits—over environmental influences.
(p. 17)

E. D. Hirsch, Jr. (Sept. 20, 2016). Why knowledge matters. Rescuing our children from failed educational theories. Harvard Education Press. isbn 9781612509525 info and prologue pdf - reviewed blog [in Dutch] & reviewed [in Dutch]

Anders Ericsson & Robert Pool (2016). Peak. Secrets from the new science of expertise. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. isbn 9780544456235 http://www.hmhco.com/shop/books/Peak/9780544456235 reviewed by Dan Willingham, reviewed by Mirjam Neelen. . Ericsson & Pool interviewed EdWeek: Podcast CM 039: Anders Ericsson on Peak Performance: here. Deans for Impact: Deliberate practice 2017 pdf. & reviewed by myself.

A. H. Halsey (2013). Reflections on education and social mobility. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 34 abstract

L. J. Sharpe & Steven Lukes (16 Oct 2014). AH Halsey obituary. Sociologist committed to fighting inequality and champion of the comprehensive school. article

John H. Goldthorpe (2016). Social class mobility in modern Britain: changing structure, constant process. Journal of the British Academy, 4, 89-111. Dó 10.5871/jba/004.089 pdf

The basic source of inequality of educational opportunity lies in the inequality of condition—the inequality in resources of various kinds—that exists among families with different locations within the class structure.

Stephen Gorard & Nadia Siddiqui (2018). Grammar schools in England: a new analysis of social segregation and academic outcomes. British Journal of Sociology of Education open. See also this blog

Kieron J. Barclay (2018). The birth order paradox: Sibling differences in educational attainment. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility. Volume 54, April 2018, Pages 56-65 opn

W. H. G. Armytage (1970). Four Hundred Years of English Education. Cambridge at the University Press. isbn 0521075963 info

Though Lock did not believe that all men had equal intellectual caabilities ("there is a difference of degrees in men's understandings, apprehensions, and reasonings, to so great a latitude, that one may, without doing injury to humankind, affirm, that there is a greater distance between some men and others in this respect, than between some men and some beasts,[Essay concerning human understanding, iV, XX, 5]) yet he stressed what education could do. Describing the impressionable nature of the infant mind Locke compares it to 'an empty cabinet', 'a white paper devoid of any characters'—'a dark room,—an unincised tablet on which the teacher could work.
39
Darwin's cousin Francis Galton first advocated the scientific study of the individual pupil and set up a small 'anthropometric laboratory' at the International Health Exhibition of 1884-5. This was subsequently moved to South Kensington. Mental testing, rating-scales, biographical schedules, record cards, the normal curve and statistical tools like Correlation and Factor Analysis came from him. Galton urged the school boards to establish laboraties.
139 in W. H. G. Armytage (1970). Four Hundred Years of English Education. Cambridge at the University Press. isbn 0521075963 info
Till recently it was denied that intelligence was a desirable quality in the great body of the people, and as intelligence is power, such is an unavoidable opinion in the breasts of those who think that the human race ought to consist of two classes, one that of the oppressors, another that of the oppressed. As we strive for an equal degree of justice, an equal degree of veracity, in the poor as in the rich, so ought we to strive for an equal degree of intelligence.
James Mill, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1818, as quoted on p. 101 in W. H. G. Armytage (1970). Four Hundred Years of English Education. Cambridge at the University Press. isbn 0521075963 info [tweet]
In a cosy psychological gloss, the Norwood Committee [report: 1943, bw] recognised three 'types' of pupil for whom the schools would cater. Grammar schools would cater for 'those interested in learning for its own sake', thechnical schools for those 'whose interests and abilities lie markedly in the field of applied science or applied art', and modern schools for those 'who deal more easily with concrete things than with ideas'. Allocation to each type was to be based on teachers' reports, supplemented, where necessary, by objective tests.
235

James Mill (1825). Education. Part of: Articles in the Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica (1825). public domain

Look for uses of 'intelligence'.

Scott L. Montgomery (1994). Minds for the making. The role of science in American education, 1750-1990. Guilford Press. isbn 0898621895 reviewed

#reference #edhistory

Ch. 6 Science and the progressives: Standards and standard bearers in the age of reformism 130-156
Ch 7. What bearing it my hve: Legcies of progressivism in the early 20th century 157-187

Douglas K. Detterman (2016). Education and Intelligence: Pity the Poor Teacher because Student Characteristics are more Significant than Teachers or Schools. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 19 https://doi.org/10.1017/sjp.2016.88 abstract & references

Specific Abilities in the Workplace: More Important Than g? Harrison J. Kell, Jonas W.B. Lang. Published: 12 April 2017 by MDPI in Journal of Intelligence , Volume 5; doi:10.3390/jintelligence5020013 open

What Can We Learn from 'Not Much More than g'? Kevin Murphy (2017). Journal of Intelligence , Volume 5; doi:10.3390/jintelligence5010008 open

C. Muller (1993/2018). Parent involvement and academic achievement: An analysis of family resources available to the child. In B. Schneider & J. S. Coleman (Eds.), Parents, their children, and schools . San Francisco, CA: Westview Press pp. 77-113 annotation

Earl Hunt, Susanne Jaeggi (2013). Challenges for Research on Intelligence. Journal of Intelligence, 1, 36-54 open

Anik De Ribaupierre, Thierry Lecerf (2017). Intelligence and Cognitive Development: Three Sides of the Same Coin. Published: 13 April 2017 Journal of Intelligence open

Keith Stanovich (2014). Assessing Cognitive Abilities: Intelligence and More. Published: 12 February 2014 by MDPI in Journal of Intelligence opejn

Kenneth Arrow, Samuel Bowles & Steven Durlauf (Eds) (2000). Meritocracy and Economic Inequality Oxford University Press. isbn 0691004684

key publication

- Contents: Introduction.
- I. Merit, reward, and opportunity:
- 1. Merit and justice/Amartya Sen.
- 2. Equality of opportunity/John E. Roemer.
- II. The causes and consequences of "Intelligence":
- 3. IQ Trends over time: intelligence, race and meritocracy/James R. Flynn.
- 4. Genes, culture, and inequality/Marcus W. Feldman, Sarah P. Otto, and Freddy B. Christiansen.
- III. Schooling and economic opportunity:
- 5. Schooling, intelligence, and income in America/Orley Ashenfelter and Cecilia Rouse.
- 6. Does schooling raise earnings by making people smarter?/Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis.
- 7. A reanalysis of the bell curve: intelligence, family background, and schooling/Sanders Korenman and Christopher Winship.
- 8. Occupational status, education, and social mobility in the meritocracy/Robert M. Hauser, John Robert Warren, Min-Hsiung Huang, and Wendy Y. Carter.
- 9. Understanding the role of cognitive ability in accounting for the recent rise in the economic return to education/John Cawley, James Heckman, Lance Lochner and Edward Vytlacil.
- IV. Policy options:
- 10. Inequality and race: models and policy/Shelly J. Lundberg and Richard Startz.
- 11. Conceptual problems in the enforcement of anti-discrimination laws/Glenn Loury.
- 12. Meritocracy, redistribution, and the size of the pie/Roland Benabou. Index.

Sue Thomson (2018). Achievement at school and socioeconomic background - an educational perspective. npj science of learning open

Nicholas Martin (2018). Getting to the genetic and environmental roots of educational inequality. npj science of learningopen

Pankaj Sah, Michael Fanselow, Gregory J. Quirk, John Hattie, Jason Mattingley & Tracey Tokuhama-Espinosa (2018). The nature and nurture of education npj science of learning open

Research on (schools applying) the Core Knowledge concept (E. D. Hirsch, Jr.). page

James Bowen (1981). A history of western education. Volume three, The modern West, Europe and the New World. Methuen and St Martin's Press. isbn 0416161308

Rosemary Crompton (1993). Class and stratification. An introduction to current debates. Cambridge: Polity Press. isbn 0745609473 info on 3rd edition

Denis P. Doyle & Bruce S. Cooper (Eds) (1988). Federal aid to the disadvantaged. What future for Chapter 1? The Falmer Press. isbn 1850003688 #compensatory_education

Chapter 1 is the new name for Lyndon Johnson's federal program Title I: compensatory education, improving the educational performance of disadvantaged children and young people. Larry Cuban contributes a chapter: 'The ways that schools are: Lessons for reformers'. "Policymakers need both historical and organizational perspectives to inform decisions made on behalf of those without power to act, children, for example." It is not clear what this book can contribute to the cause of fair schooling, at one point I'll have to skim it for useful info on practices, ideologies, possibilities. The same with books by Diane Ravitch, of course.

Denis P Doyle & Bruce S. Cooper: Introduction: Title I in retrospect, Chapter 1 in prospect 1-32
"This book has valuable insights into the history and development of federal aid to education: Kirst traces it from regulation through the bully pulpit; Cuban goes back even further, to the very origin of federal, state, local relations, and the growth of the 'modern' school system.
p. 29
"
Paul E. Peterson, Barry G. Rabe & Kenneth K. Wong: The evolution of the compensatory education program 33-60
Paul T. Hill: Program strategy and design: options for federal action in education 61-78
John E. Chubb: Effective schools and the problems of the poor 244-270

Sharon Lynn Kagan (Ed.) (1991). The care and education of America's young children: Obstacles and opportunities. Ninetieth Yearbook of The National Society for the Study of Education.

David Elkind: Developmentally appropriate practice: A case study of educational inertia. 1-16.
Although psychometric testing is useful, it has many risks that are are currently being realized. For example, testing is often done without regard to what goes on in the classroom. Kindergarten screening tests are a case in point. Although such tests purport to measure whether or not the child is 'ready' for kindergarten, they do no such thing. The tests make it appear that readiness is in the child's head rather than existing as a relation between the child and the curriculum. How a child will do in a particular classroom depends more upon what goes on in that classroom than upon the score the child received on the test.
14
Bettye M. Caldwell: Continuity in the early years: Transitions between grades and systems. 69-90. Dit is een Amerikaans artikel, maar heeft veel herkenbaars voor Nederlanders: een warwinkel van van alles en nog wat dat voorafgaat aan groep drie van de basisschool. Een paar paragraaftitels: Lasting effects: Evidence of effective transitions — Models serving disadvantaged children that stress continuity (Follow Through - The Abecedarian Project - The Kramer Model) - Smoother transitions for all children - Barriers to continuity -
Sharon L. Kagan: Excellence in early childhood education: Defining characteristics and next-decade strategies. 237-257. abstract

Robert J. Sternberg (2010). College Admissions for the 21st Century Harvard University Press. isbn 9780674048232 review

My summary: this is an intriguing exercise in fair college admissions. That is why I mention the book here.

Pam Sammons (1989). School effectiveness and school organization. pp 219-254 in Lotty Eldering & Jo Kloprogge (Eds) (1989). Different cultures, same school. Ethnic minority children in Europe. Swets & Zeitlinger. isbn 9026509898

It was evident that children gained from having more communication with the teacher. Thus, those teachers who spent higher proportions of their time not interacting with the children were less successful in promoting progress and development. Our field officers observed quite notable differences between individual teachers in the amount of time they spent talking to pupils.
The time teachers spent on communications with the whole class was also important. Most teachers devoted the majority of their attention to speaking with individuals. Each child, therefore, could only expect to receive a fairly small number of individual contacts with their teacher (on average only 11 in a working day). When teachers spoke to the whole class, they increased the overall number of contacts with children. In particular, this enabled a greater number of 'higher-order' communications to be received by all pupils. [vicarious learning, b.w.] Furthermore, where children worked in a single curriculum area within sessions, (even if they were engaged on individual or group tasks) it was easier for teachers to raise an intellectually challenging point with all pupils. It also helped teachers to maintain the attention of all members of the class and to keep pupils on task.
p. 244, Pam Sammons (1989). School effectiveness and school organization. pp 219-254 in: Lotty Eldering & Jo Kloprogge: Different cultures, same school. Ethnic minority children in Europe. Swets & Zeitlinger.
tweeted this

Natalie Wexler (2018). Why American Students Haven't Gotten Better at Reading in 20 Years. Schools usually focus on teaching comprehension skills instead of general knowledge—even though education researchers know better. article

Penny Hauser-Cram, Donald E. Pierson, Deborah Klein Walker, and Terrence Tivnan (1991). Early education in the public schools. Lessons from a comprehensive birth-to-kindergarten program. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. isbn 1555423280 [The Brookline Early Education Project]

Mark Enser (April, 2018). Knowledge in the classroom. blog

Ben Wilbrink (tweet April 2018). There is no such thing as deliberate practice in generic problem solving. Or generic understanding of text. Generic creativity. Subjecting children to these fictions is kind of criminal, robbing their time and fair chances of an education. blog

'Criminal': "Overigens, ik vind het persoonlijk bijna misdadig als je kinderen kennis onthoudt." Henriëtte Maassen van den Brink, voorzitter Onderwijsraad. In Monique Marreveld (28-11-2016). 'De toekomst van het leren'. Didactief blog‬

Theodore Brameld (1957/1973). Cultural foundations of education. An interdisciplinary exploration. Greenwood Press. isbn 0837169046

Democratic education. Is it education's task to save the societal status quo? Evidently not.

Samuel Bowles & Herbert Gintis (1976). Schooling in capitalist America. Educational reform and the contradictions of economic life. Routledge & Kegan Paul. isbn 0465072305

Classic. (i.a.: Education, inequality, and the meritocracy 102-124 - the origins of mass public education 151-179)

James S. Coleman (Ed.) (1990). Equality and achievement in education. Westview Press. isbn 0813377919

a.o.: (1976) Rawls, Nozick, and educational inequality. The Public Interest, no. 43, 121-128 - (1968). The concept of equality of educational opportunity. HER 38, 7-22. - (1969). A brief summary of the Coleman Report. - (1981). Quality and equality in American education. Public and catholic schools. Phi Delta Kappan, 63, 159-164. - (1985). Norms of equal opportunity. When and why do they arise? Angewandte Sozialforschung, 13, 55-60.

Clyde Chitty (Ed.) (1991). Post-16 education. Studies in access and achievement. Kogan Page. isbn 0749400978

- ao:
- William A. Reid: The ideology of access in comparative perspective - Janet Harland: Upper secondary education in England and Wales: An overview of curriculum pathways -
- Nanette Whibead: The Education Reform Act: A missed opportunity for 16-plus -
- Andy Green: Comprehensive education and training: possibilities and prospects -
- Clyde Chitty: Towards new definition of vocationalism
- Shane Blackman: The politics of pedagogy: Problems of access in higher education -
- Eddy Adams: Doublespeak: The new vocationalism, bilingual learners and the world of work
The purpose of this is to present a collection of perspectives appraising the extent to which this country (mainly England and Wales) provides educational opportunities for its post-16 population. ( . . . )
For a number of reasons, the 1988 Education Act has served merely to undermine the cause of enhancing access and achievement.

Irwin A. Hyman 1990). Reading, writing, and the hickory stick. The appalling story of physical and psychological abuse in American schools. Lexington Books. isbn 0669219908

Clifton P. Flynn (1996). Normative support for corporal punishment: Attitudes, correlates, and implications. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 1, 47-55 abstract

Israel Scheffler (1985). Of human potential. An essay in the philosophy of education. Routledge & Kegan Paul. isbn 0710205716 — 141 pp., cloth, dust jacket,-->

#palent #potential #individual_differences #class #slavery #Plato #Aristotle

Publication from the Project of Human Potential, Harvard University, Bernard van Leer Foundation of The Hague
This book offers an interpretation of the concept of human potential, which plays a prominent role in the thinking of parents, educators, and planners the world over. Although this concept accurately reflects central features of human nature, its current use perpetuates traditional myths of fixity, harmony and value calculated to cause untold mischief in social and educational practice.
xi
The view that human talents are both limited in their diversity and inherent in the nature of individuals reflects a society fixed in its design and functions - meant to arrest rather than to open possibilities of change and choice.
93

Robert E. Slavin (Ed.) (1996). Education for all. Swets & Zeitlinger. isbn 9026514735 Slavin publications

Morton Deutsch (1993). Educating for a peaceful world. American Psychologist,48, 510-517 abstract and references
R. E. Slavin (1990). Achievement effects of ability grouping in secondary schools: a best evidence synthesis. Review of Educational Research, 60, 471-500. Met repliek en dupliek. Reprinted as chapter 8 in Slavin's Education for all
Cooperative learning. RER, 50, 315-342 -
Classroom reward structure: An analytical and practical review. RER, 47, 633-650 -
Research on cooperative learning and achievement: What we know, what we need to now. Cont Ed Ps, 21, 43-69.)

Michael A. Rebell & Arthur R. Block (1985). Equality and education. Federal civil rights enforcement in the New York City School system. Princeton University Press. isbn 0691076928 ERIC info and manuscript download

abstract
This report employs three analytical perspectives (ideological, implementational, and comparative institutional) in order to examine Federal anti-discrimination law enforcement in the New York City school system since the late 1960s. Part I of the study defines the fundamental American egalitarian ideology and its equality of opportunity and equality of results strands. The ambiguity in egalitarian policy standards, as formulated by the courts and by the Congress in Title VI and the Emergency School Aid Act, is discussed. Part II compares the "Big City Review" in NewYork City with insights gained from similar reviews of faculty hiring and assignment and student service issues, undertaken in Chicago, Los Angeles, and Philadelphia. In Part III, data obtained in the study, as well as results of a survey conducted by the authors, are reviewed from the three analytical perspectives mentioned above. It is concluded, among other findings, that in New York City public schools for the time period examined, (1) commitments to anti-discrimination standards led to positive changes in teacher assignment and student tracking practices, and that (2) the entire proces of civil rights enforcement was influenced by political factors at both national and local levels. (A list of persons interviewed and the survey questionaire are appended.) (GC)

Bert Creemers, Ton Peters & Dave Reynolds (Eds.) (1989). School effectiveness and school improvement. Proceedings of the Second International Congress Rotterdam 1989. Swets & Zeitlinger. isbn 902651008X

Later paper: https://www.rug.nl/staff/b.p.m.creemers/effective_school_improvement_ingredients_for_success.pdf
among others:
- Roel J. Bosker & Rolf K. W. van der Velden: The effcects of secondary schools on the educational careers of disadvantaged pupils 141-156 "Let us begin by noting that SES explains about a quarter of the total variance in school success. Furthermore we see that primary education indeed appears to be crucial in the origin of SES-specific school success, since half of the SES-bound variance can be located in this stage of our model." [p. 145] Decomposition of SES-effects on school success [final educational position] [Table 2, p. 145]: pre-school period 25%; primary education 43%; transition to secondary school 14%; secondary education 18%. Total effect of SES: .49. "Somewhat surprising is the differential IQ-effect, as this covariate shows significant effects for low SES but not for high SES pupils. One might hypothesize that family support explains the unexpected subject combination choices by high SES pupils, whereas the educational system might be meritocratic for low SES pupils." [p. 152]
- Mart Jan de Jong & Sjaak F. A. Braster: Effective schools and equal opportunities 167-176 [These authors are confused about IQ, ability and achievement, see their section 'Equality of opportunities?’]
- Paul Tesser & Greetje van der Werf: Educational priority and school effectiveness 177-186
- Anna A. van der Hoeven-van Doornum, Marinus J. M. Voeten & Paul Jungbluth: The effect of aspiration levels set by teachers for their pupils on learning achievement 231-240
- Roel J. Bosker & Jaap Scheerens: Criterion definition, effect size and stability, three fundamental questions in school effectiveness research 241-252

David R. Olson & Nancy Torrance (Eds) (1996). The handbook of education and human development. New models of learning, teaching, and schooling Blackwell. isbn 1557864608 info

Introduction: Rethinking the Role of Psychology in Education: David R. Olson and Nancy Torrance. summary
Finally, it has become clear that the sciences designed to assist children in their development have become means of classifying children into categories that are then used to justify and legitimize poor performance rather than improve it.
p. 1
This volume sets out three, potentially revolutionary, changes in our understanding of education and human development: these three perspectives make up the three sections of the volume
p. 2
Section I. This section presents a new understanding of how psychology relates to pedagogy.
p. 2
Section II. This section examines the insight that education is what in fact makes culture possible.
p. 3
Section III. This section explores a new conception of just what it is to know, to learn, to understand, and the role of traditional subject matter disciplines in the advancement of human understanding.
p. 3
Folk Psychology and Folk Pedagogy: David R. Olson and Jerome S. Bruner. 7-27 summary Interesting section: Children as knowledgeable: The management of 'objective' knowledge. 21-25.
Our purpose, rather, is to explore more general ways in which learners' minds are conventionally thought about, and the pedagogical practices that follow from these ways of thinking about mind.
p . 11
The Age of Innocence Reconsidered: Preserving the Best of the Progressive Traditions in Psychology and Education: Howard Gardner, Bruce Torff, and Thomas Hatch. 29-54 summary I am not impressed. Flirting progressivism.
A Rereading of Dewey's Art as Experience: Pointers Toward a Theory of Learning: Maxine Greene. 55-72 summary For Dewey fans.
Changing Views of Knowledge and Their Impact on Educational Research and Practice: Robbie Case. 73-95 summary
Didactic theories of learning and their roots in British empiricism
Constructivist theories of learning and their roots in continental rationalism
Cultural views of learning and their roots in sociohistoric theory
A comparison of three views of knowledge and their embodiment in philosophy and psychology
The mpact of three views of nowledge on educational research and practice - Example 2. The reform movement in mathematics education87-90
General summary and conclusion
Rethinking the Historical Role of Psychology in Educational Reform: Barbara Beatty. 97-112 summary
Rethinking the Concept of Learning Disabilities: The Demise of Aptitude/Achievement Discrepancy: Keith E. Stanovich and Paula J. Stanovich. 113-143 summary
Rethinking Readiness for Learning: Rita Watson. 145-167 summary
Language and Literacy Development: Discontinuities and Differences: Lowry Hemphill and Catherine Snow. 169-196 summary
Accommodating Diversity in Early Literacy Learning: Marie M. Clay. 197-217summary
Writing and Learning to Write: Gunther Kress. 219-246 summary
Rethinking the Role of Emotions in Education: Keith Oatley and Seema Nundy. 247-262 summary
Pedagogy and Imitation in Monkeys: Yes, No, or Maybe? Elisabetta Visalberghi and Dorothy M. Fragaszy. 263-289 summary
Why Animals Lack Pedagogy and Some Cultures Have More of it Than Others: David Premack and Anne James Premack. 291-310 summary
Humanly Possible: Education and the Scope of the Mind: Margaret Donaldson. 311-329 summary
Acceptable Ignorance, Negotiable Disagreement: Alternative Views of Learning: Jacqueline J. Goodnow. 331-351 summary
Cultural Learning and Learning Culture: Ann C. Kruger and Michael Tomasello. 353-372 summary
Models of Teaching and Learning: Participation in a Community of Learners: Barbara Rogoff, Eugene Matusov, and Cynthia White. 3730398 summary
The Individual-Society Antimony Revisited: Productive Tensions in Theories of Human Development, Communication, and Education: James V. Wertsch and William R. Penuel. 399-416 summary
Some Educational Implications of Genre-based Mental Models: The Interpretative Cognition of Text Understanding: Carol Fleisher Feldman and David A. Kalmar. 417-441 summary
Habits of Mind for a Learning Society: Educating for Human Development: Daniel Keating. 443-462 summary
Rethinking Learning: Carl Bereiter and Marlene Scardamalia. 463-493 summary
The Development of Understanding: Kieran Egan. 495-512 summary
The Learner's Experience of Learning: Terence Marton and Shirley Booth. 513-541 summary
Understanding and Empowering the Child as a Learner: Ingrid Pramling. 543-568 summary
The Language of Mind: Its Role in Teaching and Learning: Janet Wilde Astington and Janette Pelletier. 569-593 summary
Schooling and the Acquisition of Theoretical Knowledge: Frank C. Keil and Chana S. Silberstein. 595-619 summary
From Folk Biology to Scientific Biology: Scott Atran. 621-655 summary
Cognitive and Cultural Factors in the Acquisition of Intuitive Biology: Giyoo Hatano and Kayoko Inagaki. 657-680 summary
What Do 'Just Plain Folk' Know about Physics? Andrea A. Disessa. 681-700 summary
Agreeing to Disagree: Developing Sociable Mathematical Discourse: Magdalene Lampert, Peggy Ritten House, and Carol Crumbaugh.701-732 summary
Conceptualizing the Growth of Historical Understanding: Peter Seixas. 733-750

David E. Lavin & David Hyllegard (1996). Changing the odds. Open admissions and the life chances of the disadvantaged. Yale University Press. isbn 0300063288 info

How far did they go? Expanded access and ultimate educational attainments 29
How they did at work. The difference that education made 71
Getting ahead. The development of work careers 119
The quality of work experience 138
Marriage and the formation of a college-educated class. Consolidating the gains of an opeen-admissions policy 154
Nonmaterial outcomes of higher education. Attitudes, values, and life satisfaction 174
Open admissions, an assessment 195
Open admissions in an era of scarcity. Changing educational opportunities 209-244

Jusaku Minari, Kyle B. Brothers and Michael Morrison (2018). Tensions in ethics and policy created by National Precision Medicine Programs. Human Genomics open

Laura Van den Broeck, Jannick Demanet, Mieke Van Houtte (2018). Unmet Goals of Tracking: Within-track Heterogeneity of Students' Expectations about the Future. Sociological Perspectives abstract & references

Daphna Bassok Chloe R. Gibbs Scott Latham (2018). Preschool and Children's Outcomes in Elementary School: Have Patterns Changed Nationwide Between 1998 and 2010? Child Development abstract

Ben Williamson (April 30, 2018). A biosocial view on precision education. We need a conversation about genetics, neuroscience and precision education. blog

Ian J. Deary and John Maltby (2013) on psychology's return to its practical roots. Intelligence and individual differences. The Psychologist, 26, 30-33 blog

Tom Clynes (7 September 2016). How to raise a genius: lessons from a 45-year study of super-smart children. A long-running investigation of exceptional children reveals what it takes to produce the scientists who will lead the twenty-first century. (via Toby Young) [The Juian Stanley cohort study] article

H. Hale Bellot (1929). University College London 1826-1926. University of London Press.

The English universities by the end ofthe eighteenth century had become the preserve of a section of the community. To be iedentified with the church and the land, which in 1700 wasto be a national institution, was in 1800 to be the servant of a party, and, at that, of a party which was not much longer to remain in the ascendant; while the disappearance of the yeoman began, it has been observed, to turn the universities into finishing schoolds for the upper classes.* The consequence was a rise in the cost of university education which in itself was sufficient to restrict the opportunity to the nobiity and the opulent gentry.**
To social exclusiveness must be added the still more serious bar of religious tests.
p. 5. Note * A. D. Godley: Oxford in the eighteenth century, 1908, 120-1, 135, 223-4. Note ** W. P. Trent: English cuture in Virginia. Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Politicaal Science . . . 7th Series. Noss. v-vi, Baltimore, 1889, 69; The Times 2 Juy, 1825, 3 a, 2 Nov., 1825, 3 a.

Walter Ellis (1994). The Oxbridge conspiracy. How the ancient universities have kept their stranglehold on the establishment. London: Michael Joseph. isbn 0718137483

A. Myrick Freeman, III (1993). The measurement of environmental and resource values. Theory and methods. Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future. isbn 0915707691 [there is a 2014 new edition] info

Why is this important for our subject: just take a look at the table of contents. E.g. 'Valuing longevity and health'; if it is true that education contributes to a longer and healthier life, it is of some import to be able to quantify this.

The first edition of this important work was the winner of the 2002 Publication of Enduring Quality award by the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists.

Mary Carpenter (1851/1968 facs.). Reformatory schools for the children of the perishing and dangerous classes, and for juvenile offenders. Gilpin/Woburn archive.or

First principles
Evening ragged schools
Free day schools
Industrial feeding schools
The Gaol
Penal reformatory schools

Detlef K. Müller, Fritz Ringer & Brian Simon (Eds) (1987). The rise of the modern educational system. Structural change and social reproduction 1870-1920. Cambridge University Press. info

Fritz Ringer (1979). Education and society in modern Europe. Indiana University Press. isbn 0253319293 <--fs_edhistory-->

Upper middle-class parents who are denied an accustomed enclave for their children in the public schools will make every effort to find a substitute in the private sector. Thus a kind of inertia, the consequence of accustomed expectations, distinguishes the underlying reality of an educational system from the unstable surface visible in ordinary political narratives or in accounts of individual institutions. Much remains to be said about this element of inertia. Among other things, it demands that educational systems be studied historically.
p. 1
During the second, high industrial, phase in the history of European educational systems, the situation started to change. From the 1860s and '70s on, new educational institutions and curricular options began to play a significant role as 'modern' alternatives to the traditional forms of secondary and higher education. Nonclassical secondary schools and programs emerged to challenge the traditional dominance of Latin and Greek at the secondary level; and in higher education, the older university faculties were joined by younger foundations, or by academies and institutions that stressed technical and other applied studies. Almost invariably, however, the newer programs failed to attain the prestige of the older ones, and their status inferiority was associated precisely with their practical bent, their positive orientation toward commerce and technology.
p. 3

Margaret E. Bryant (1986). The London experience of secondary education. The Athlone Press. isbn 0485113023

reference

- Ch IV The contribution of private adventure schools in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: Private schooling and the Enlightenment; Schools for girls; Private schooling for a class society; A system of private schools?
- Ch. V The middle-class education question in the reign of Victoria: The challenge; The secular response; Church of England response; Nonconformist schools

Joan N. Burstyn (1980). Victorian education and the ideal of womanhood. Croom Helm, isbn 0709901399

tweeted this one:
Differences between the intellectual characteristics of men and women were constantly discussed during the nineteenth century. ( . . . ) some people did not believe that all women shared the same intellectual characteristics, any more than all men did, and they attributed many differences between the sexes to women's lack of education and the narrowness of their lives. They challenged the inevitability of women's intellectual subordination to men. Once they did so, they met opposition from those who claimed that the intellectual differences between the sexes were innate, and that they applied to each man and each woman as a member of a discrete scientific class. According to this argument, those who differed from the characteristics of their sex had to be considered as aberrations from the norm, not prototypes for social change. The lines of debate were drawn, and the literature began to abound with arguments on the causes for the intellectual differences between the sexes. Each side used scientific evidence to support its position on a social issue—whether women should be entitled to higher education.
p. 70, Ch. 4 'Woman's intellectual capacity', in Joan N. Burstyn (1980). Victorian education and the ideal of womanhood. Croom Helm, isbn 0709901399

Steven Brint & Jerome Karabel (1990). The diverted dream: community colleges and the promise of educational opportunity in America, 1900-1985. Oxford University Press. isbn 0195048156

By offering students of limited means the opportunity to start higher education at home and to later transfer to a four-year institution, the two-year school provided a major new pathway to a college diploma-and to the nation s growing professional and managerial classes.
But in the past two decades, the community college has undergone a profound change, shifting its emphasis from liberal-arts transfer courses to terminal vocational programs. Drawing on developments nationwide as well as in the specific case of Massachusetts, Steven Brint and Jerome Karabel offer a history of community colleges in America, explaining why this shift has occurred after years of student resistance and examining its implications for upward mobility. As the authors argue in this exhaustively researched and pioneering study, the junior college has always faced the contradictory task of extending a college education to the hitherto excluded, while diverting the majority of them from the nation's four-year colleges and universities. Very early on, two-year college administrators perceived vocational training for semi-professional work as their and their students most secure long-term niche in the educational hierarchy. With two thirds of all community college students enrolled in vocational programs, the authors contend that the dream of education as a route to upward mobility, as well as the ideal of equal educational opportunity for all, are seriously threatened.

Burton R. Clark (1960). The open door college. A case study. McGraw-Hill. lccc 59-14440

['cooling-out function, p. ix]

R. D. Anderson (1989). Education and Opportunity in Victorian Scotland. Schools & Universities Edinburgh University Press. isbn 085224617X [boek in KB]

Using extensive statistical material, the book charts the general history of secondary and university education between the 1820s and 1914 and examines the social consequences of education changes. It analyses the social and political impetus for change and shows how conflicts of interest and class have themselves determined the development of Scottish education.

James T. Flynn (1988). The University Reform of Tsar Alexander I, 1802-1835. The Catholic University of America Press. isbn 0813206537

tweet of the following:

Razumovskii in 1813 ( . . . ) informed Kharkov University that admission of students from 'unfree' classes should be avoided because upon graduation such men could not take up employment as teachers or civil servants since they had to meet the legal 'obligations' of their classes. Two weeks later, he responded to a question posed by the Kharkov faculty council, requesting guidance on the admission of a private serf. Razumovskii replied that the university should 'explain' to the serf's master, Count I. A. Bezborodko, that 'for the most part students are from the gentry and other better classes. Therefore, I think it not quite appropriate to admit' a serf. 'Perhaps,' he went on, 'it would be better to change his fate and liberate him.' In that case, 'notice of his liberation' should be sent to the ministry.'
p. 75 in James T. Flynn (1988). The University Reform of Tsar Alexander I, 1802-1835. The Catholic University of America Press.

Joanna Williams (8 May, 2018). Genes and background do not determine children's future. Education can set kids free. blog

Ivor Goodson (1993). School subjects and curriculum change. Studies in curriculum history. The Falmer Press. isbn 075070098X

Prefaced by Peter McLaren.

( . . . ) Goodson reveals that the struggle over curriculum most often ensures that those publics that constitute the 'meritocratic minority' (those who have been historically accorded most of the power and privilige over other groups) will continue such intergenerational continuity in the decades to come. This is because, as Goodson notes (p. 193), 'the academic tradition holds all the cards'. And it is precisely the academic tradition that has inherited structures of of privilege in the form of curricular, financial, andd resource allocation. It is not so much the case that high status knowledge within the academic tradition speaks a totalizing logic of imposition in that it gains its adherents through the powerful socializing effects of the dominant curriculum. This would be to present a monolithic understanding of domination and fail to acknowledge the artuculatory effects of hegemony ( . . . ) in which 'teachers' material interest in their working lives (their concern with immediate work and career prospects) unwittingly secures their complicity in their own domination and those of their students.
Peter McLaren, p. x-xi

Sandra Horvath-Peterson (1984). Victor Duruy & French education. Liberal reform in the Second Empire. Louisiana State University Press. isbn 0807111570 archive.org

Appointed minister of public instruction in 1863.
Duruy proposed free, compulsory primary education for all classes as well as greater secondary educational opportunities for women and members of the working class.

Derek Bok (1996). The state of the nation. Government and the quest for a better society. Harvard University Press. isbn 0674292103

Although American children may be less inhibited by subtle barriers of class than youngsters in some other industrial democracies, those who live in blighted neighbourhoods face formidable obstacles of a different kind. Some of these children do manage to rise from poverty through luck, exceptional ability, and sheer determination. Yet relatively few are so fortunate. Boys and girls growing up in inner-city neighborhoods encounter constant risks of violence, along with temptations of drugs, criminal behavior, and unwanted pregnancy that are much greater here than they are in comparable areas abroad. They are also less likely to receive the parental attention, adequate nutrition, vaccination against disease, high-quality child care and preschool programs that will help them thrive and ensure that they arrive at school prepared to learn. When they begin their education, their schools are often inferior, hobbled by bureaucracy, low academic standards, and teachers who are less capable and less experienced than their counterparts in the typical American suburbs. Such deficiencies help explain why poor children at every level of academic ability are far less likely to attend college or graduate with a degree than young people of similar talent from well-to-do families. For those who do not go to college, the programs available to ease the transition from high school to work are widely considered less effective than those in other advanced nations such as Sweden, Japan, and Germany.
p. 374 in Derek Bok (1996). The state of the nation. Government and the quest for a better society. Harvard UP

Christopher Jencks & David Riesman (1968). The academic revolution. Garden City, Doubleday. lccc 68-15597 info

T. L. Jarman (1951/1963). Landmarks in the history of education. English education as part of the European tradition. John Murray.

The industrialization of western Europe with its stringent technical demands had made imperative the establishment of national systems of education to the creation of which the social and ethical needs of the new urban populations and the demands of the democratic and socialist movements for popular rights had also contributed. But the two world wars, in which govenrments perforce appealed to the masses for steadfast courage and self-sacrifice on an unprecedented scale, have greatly stimulated the work of completing and broadening those educational sstems the main foundations of which had been laid during the nineteenth century. The Education Act of 1918 had as its object for England and Wales 'the establishment of a national system of public education available for all persons capable of profiting thereby'. The idea of a national system, open to all, was thus at length clearly expressed in this country.
p. 289 in T. L. Jarman (1951/1963). Landmarks in the history of education. English education as part of the European tradition. John Murray.

Paul William Kingston & Lionel S. Lewis (Eds) (1990). The high-status track: studies of elite schools and stratification. State University of New York Press. isbn 0791400115 info

this volume will expand on the hesis that these schools continue to perpetuate and create privilege.
- a.o.:
- Christopher F. Armstrong: On the making of good men: character-building in the New England boarding schools 3-24 -
- Caroline Hodges Persell & Peter W. Cookson, Jr.: Chartering and bartering: Elite education and social reproduction 25-51 -
- Richard Farnum: Prestige in the IVY League: Democratization and discrimination at Penn and Columbia, 1890-1970 75-104-
- Paul William Kingston and Lionel S. Lewis: Undergraduates at elite institutions: The best, the brightest, and the richest 105-120 -
- James C. Hearn: Pathways to attendance at the elite colleges -
- Paul William Kingston and John C. Smart: The economic pay-off of prestigious colleges 147-174 -
- Michael Useem and Jerome Karabel: Pathways to top corporate management 175-209 -
- Charles L. Cappell and Ronald M. Pipkin: The inside tracks: Status distinctions in allocations to elite law schools 211-230 -
- Paul William Kingston and James G. Clawson: Getting on the fast track: Recruitment at an elite business school 231-254

US intellectual elites, American aristocracy and class society.

Jade M. Jenkins , Greg J. Duncan , Anamarie Auger , Marianne Bitler , Thurston Domina , Margaret Burchinal , Boosting School Readiness: Should Preschool Teach- ers Target Skills or the Whole Child?, Economics of Education Review (2018), doi: 10.1016/j.econedurev.2018.05.001 abstract

Arthur G. Powell (1980). The Uncertain Profession. Harvard and the Search for Educational Authority. Harvard University Press. isbn 0674781228 info

from the index, entries to be looked after: academic curriculum reform; admission policies; core curriculum; curriculum andmethods; education; elementary education; elitism; Flexner, Abraham; general education; graduate school of education; graduate study in education; history of education; master of arts in teaching M.A.T.; master of education Ed. M.; normalschools; philosophy of education; psychology; research; secondary schools; social aims; sociology of education; student characteristics; student enrollment; teacher education; testing; vocational education; training;

Marcia Graham Synnott (1979). The half-opened door: discrimination and admissions at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, 1900-1970. Greenwood Press. isbn 0313206171 [inserted: photocopy of Richard Farnum (1997). Elite college discrimination and the limits of conflict theory. Harvard Educational Review, 67, 507-532] info. Article by Marcia G. Synnott 1982 'The Half-Opened Door: Researching Admissions Discrimination at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton' American Archivist/Vol. 45, No. 2/Spring 1982 open access

For the understanding of fair (primary, secondary) schooling it'll prove profitable to study elite education's history, e.g. Marcia G. Synnott 1982 'The Half-Opened Door: Researching Admissions Discrimination at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton' open access [tweeted this]

ao: Portraits and philosophies of two Harvard presidents: Charles W. Eliot and A. Lawrence Lowell - Harvard: Debate on restriction, 1922 - Harvard: Methods of sifting candidates for admission, 1920s to 1950s - Yale: reaction and stabilaztion, 1900s to 1940s - Princeton: The triumph of the Clubs, 1900s to 1950s - Conclusion: a new elite, 1940s to 1970s

E. N. Suleiman (1978). Elites in French society. The politics of survival. Princeton University Press. isbn 0691075972 info

tweeted this

Why do some elites survive while others do not? How do certain institutions manage to preserve their importance in the face of crises, instability, and change? How does a democratic society legitimize elitist institutions? Combining the use of important social theories—particularly those of Mosca, Schumpeter, Tocqueville, and Pareto—with empirical analysis, Ezra Suleiman tries to answer these questions in his examination of the dominance and stability of France's governing elites.
( . . . )
In his investigation of France's "state-created" elites, Professor Suleiman shows the great importance of the grandes écoles in training and promoting the elites, and the grand corps in providing a base from which the elites launch themselves into extra-governmental careers. He also finds that the elites' capacity to adapt to an evolving social, political, and economic environment is a major factor in their ability to survive.

Ezra N. Suleiman (1974). Politics, power, and bureaucracy in France. The administrative elite. Princeton University Press. isbn 0691975522 info

Ezra Suleiman & Henri Mendras (Dir.) (1995). Le recrutement des élites en Europe. Paris: La Découverte. isbn 2707124559

Rianne Kloosterman Stijn Ruiter Paul M. De Graaf Gerbert Kraaykamp (2009). Parental education, children's performance and the transition to higher secondary education: trends in primary and secondary effects over five Dutch school cohorts (1965-99). British Journal of Sociology https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2009.01235.x abstract

Team Members and Contributors as listed on equalchances.org (2018). Inequality of opportunity and social mobility: a comparative study pdf

Richard Nisbett and Lee Ross (1980). Human inference: Strategies and shortcomings of social judgment. isbn 0134451309 reviewed

Robert Erikson & John H. Goldthorpe, J. H. (1992). The constant flux. A study of class mobility in industrial societies. Clarendon Press. isbn 0198273835

Post WW II

By Stephen Machin, Sandra McNally, and Martina Viarengo (2018). Changing How Literacy Is Taught: Evidence on Synthetic Phonics. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 10 (2): 217-241 https://doi.org/10.1257/pol.20160514 open

We evaluate the pilot and first phase of the national rollout. While strong initial effects tend to fade out on average, they persist for those with children with a higher initial propensity to struggle with reading. As a result, this program helped narrow the gap between disadvantaged pupils and other groups.

Donald MacKenzie (1979). Eugenics and the rise of mathematical statistics in Britain. In John Irvine, Jay Wiles & Jeff Evans (Eds.) (1979). Demystifying social statistics. (39-50) Pluto Press. isbn 0861040686 [niet online beschikbaar]

"Eugenics and the Rise of Mathematical Statistics in Britain," in J. Irvine, I. Miles and J. Evans (eds), Demystifying Social Statistics (London: Pluto Press, 1979), 39-50. German translation: "Rasse und Klasse: Eugenik und der Aufschwung mathematischer Statistik in Großbritannien," Wechselwirkung: Technik, Naturwissenschaft, Gesellschaft No. 15 (November 1982): 28-30. Dutch translation: "De Eugenetika en de Oorsprung van de Mathematische Statistiek," Revoluon: Naturweteschap Techniek en Maatschappij 6 (1981): 55-66. Japanese translation: "Igirisu ni okeru yuuseigaku, oyobi suuri tookeigaku no kooryu," Kyokoo no tokei (trans. Yooichi Ito, Akiyoshi Tanaka and Masakatsu Nagaya) (Tokyo: Azusa), 29-43. Korean translation, Seoul: Rationality and Reality Press, 1990 (not seen). Revised English version in Ludi Simpson and Danny Dorling, eds., Statistics in Society: The Arithmetic of Politics (London: Arnold, 1998), 55-61.

MacKenzie discusses the influence of social interests - especially the eugenics movement - on the development of some of the most widely used techniques of mathematical statistics. This chapter is particularly relevant to assessing the statistical basis of contemporary racist and hereditarian approaches to IQ testing, which continue to rely upon essentially similar techniques.
p. 9
Francis Galton (1869) suggested that there ws an individual, definable, inherited and measurable entity called 'mental ability'. Karl Pearson (1903) designed the first major attempt to prove it to be inherited. R. A. Fisher (1918) provided the first estimate of 'heritability' (though of height, not intelligence).
This work should be seen not as neutral psychologicl and genetic investigation, but as the work of people with clear social and political goals which were largely prior to their scientific researches. (..)
The social and political programme ambraced by these three leading statisticians was eugenics. All three believed that the class structure of Britain reflected in large part a hierarchy of innate anbility, at the top of which were the élite of the professional middle class and at the bottom of which were the poor, unemployed and 'crimina;l'. All three believed that the professional middle lass should be encourage to have more children, and thhat the 'unfit' should be discouraged (and perhaps ultimately prevented) from propagating. In this they were not alone. The eugenics movement,e especially after 1900, was a prominent part of British intellectual life.
The eugenics movement was composed almost exclusively of members of the professional middle class, and its ideology reflected certain crucial aspects of the situation of this group (Farrall, 1970; Searle, 1976; MacKenzien, 1976). It owed its social standing not to its ownership of capital or land, but to its possession of educational qualificatiomns and supposedly uniquely valuable knowledge and mental skills. Its situation of privilege as compared with manual workers was justified in terms of the assumed superiority of 'mental' over 'manual' labour. The eugenists' focus on individual mental ability as the determinant of social standing, and their assumption that this was unequally distributed and to be found in greatest quantity amongst the children of the successful of the previous generation, can be seen as an attempt (even if largely unconscious) to legitimate the social situation of the professional middle class. The social division between 'mental' and 'manual' labour wa, according to the eugenists, the reflection of natural, genetic, differences between types of people. (see, e.g., Pearson, 1902).
At the same time, the eugenists had a solution (..)for one of the major problems faced by the British establishment At the end of the nineteenth centi=ury and the beginning of the twentieth,, the focus of establishment fears was not the working class as a whole, bu =t the e=unemployed and semi-employed in the large urban centres, especially London (see Jones, 1971). (..) Early attempts by the social workers of the Charity Organiaation Society to control this group had failed; more drastic solutions such as moving the poor out of the slums into labour colonies were proposed evne by ;humanitarions' such as Charles Booth (Jones, 1971, pp 305-8). The eugenists' proposals to restrict the mentally defective, the alcoholic and the chronic poor to institutions so as to prevent them breedingdid not, in such a climate, seem ectreme. Eugenists argued that the 'residuum' was a distinct hereditary group (see, e.g., Galton;s (1909) analysis of Booth;s data on the London poor): by preventing them from breeding, it could be ensured that the next generation of workers would be fit and loyal. (..)
The eugenistsr proposed to bring the science of the biologist, statistician and doctor to bear on this process of 'sifting': to replace the vagaries of 'natural selection' by a 'scientific' artificial selection.
Francis Galton (1822-1911) coined the term 'eugenics'. His work in statistics, genetics and the psychology of individual differences derived largely from his central passionate concern for racial improvement (Cowan, 1972 a and b, 1977). His key statistical innovations, the concepts of regression and correlation, arose from his eugenic research—directly in the case of regression, indirectly in the case of correlation. As a eugenist, he was interested in predicting the characteristics (sa, the height) of offspring from those of their parents. The technique of regression enabled him to do this (Galton, 1877, 1886). Work on a scheme for the personal identification of criminals took him from the concept of regression to that of correlation (Galton, 1888).
Karl Pearson (1857-1936) developed Galton's notions of regression and correlation into a systematic theory. Galton had evaluated his coefficients graphically: Pearson derived formulae for doing so. Galton had worked with only 32 variables: Pearson generalised the theory to any number of variables (thus making it theoretically possible to take account of the entire ancestry of an individual in predicting her or his characteristics). (-..) This work was motivated by a set of political and intellectual belief which he had held prior to becoming a statistician (and, indeed, which largely led him to become one) (Norton =, 1978).

p. 39-40
references in the above quotes:
Francis Galton (1869) Hereditary genius. 2000 digital free access
Karl Pearson (1903). On the inheritance of the mental and moral characters in man, and its comparison with the inheritance of the physical characters. The Huxley Lecture for 1903. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 33, pp. 179-237. Jstor read online free or try sci-hub.
R. A. Fisher (1918). The correlation between relatives on the supposition of Mendeleian inheritance. Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, vol. 52, pp. 399-433. abstract [no access? try sci-hub]
Francis Galton (1865). Hereditary talent and character. Macmillan's Magazine, vol. 12, pp 157-66 and pp 318-27. galton.org
L. A. Farrall (1970). The origins and growth of the English eugenics movement, 1865-1925. PhD thesis Indiana University. [niet online]

Heiner Rindermann & David Becker (2018). FLynn-effect and economic growth: Do national increases in intelligence lead to increases in GDP? Intelligence, 69, 87-93. abstract

J. E. Floud (Ed.), A. H. Halsey & F. M. Martin (1956). Social class and educational opportunity. Heinemann review

Bevat nogal wat data, kan best interessant zijn. Fritz Ringer vindt het een belangrijk boek. Michael Young (The rise of the meritocracy) citeert eruit op blz. 45.
1. Social structure and educational policy in contrasting areas
2. The social origins of boys in grammar schools before and after 1944
3. The social distribution of awards of free and special places in grammar schools
4. Social class and chances of admission to grammar schools.
5. Family and primary school environment of entrants to secondary schools.
6. Social factors in selection for grammar schools.
7. Length of school life, oublic examinations and full-tuime further educayion
8. Conclusions 139-149
In the years of our enquiry in both areas [a prosperous one, and an industrial one, b.w.], virtually the full quota of boys with the necessary minimum IQ from each occupational group in the population were awarded places in grammar schools. If by 'ability' we mean 'measured intelligence' and by 'opportunity' access to grammar schools, then opportunity may be said to stand in close relationship with ability in both these areas today.
p. 139
In the nineteenth century educational provision was frankly viewed in terms of occuption and class. Secondary education led to middle-class occupations; elementary instruction was for workmen and servants. If a conspicuously able child of the working-class received the education appropriate to middle-class children, he owed it to success in the competition for scarce scholarships provided by private charity. In South West Hertfordshire and Middlesbrough, as elsewhere, scholarships were provided 'to enable boys and girls of exceptional ability to proceed from the Elementary schools to the Endowed schools', and in the early days of the educational ladder the middel-class prerogative was anxiuously watched. In 1904, the headmaster of Watford Grammar School saw 'no element of difficulty or danger' in having 10 per cent. of his scholars drawn from the elementary schools; in his opinion it constituted sufficient provision 'for enabling poor boiys of exceptional ability to rise from the elementary to the secondary school'.
140

Herman G. van de Werfhorst, Tony Tam, Shavit & Hyunjoon Park (2017). A Positional Model of Intergenerational Educational Mobility: Crucial Tests Based on 35 Societies. open

Key publication.

Paul Davis Chapman (1988). Schools as sorters. Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930. New York University Press. isbn 0814714366

p. xiii: Historical studies of testing have concentrated extensively on leadership and ideology. Few have examined how and why intelligence tests and classification systems were actually introduced into the schools and what differences they made in the lives of students. This book seeks to address these needs by providing a comprehensive understanding of how testing and classification became a permanent part of the American educational system.
The emergence of intelligence testing in the progressive era, 1890-1917 17-38 - New conceptions of schooling and the early use of intelligence tests, 1890-1917 39-64 - The use of intelligence tests in World War II: applied psychology comes of age 65-82 - }A mntal test for every child’: Terman helps shape the testing movement, 1920-1925 - The use of intelligence tests in schools: California case studies 107-127 - Rising dissent: Controversies over intelligence testing 128-145 - National patterns in the use of tests 146-172

Ronald M. Glassman (1995). The middle class and democracy in socio-historical perspective. Brill. isbn 9004103597 info

BKMS

Gary S. Becker, Scott Duke Kominers, Kevin M. Murphy & Jörg L. Spenkuch (2018). A Theory of Intergenerational Mobility. SSRN open

Dael Wolfle (1971). The uses of talent. — Princeton University Press. isbn 0691086036

ability 90, 112-17, 176, 33, 103-24, 168, 79-88, 154-5
Whatever one thinks about the relative importance of genetic and environmental factors, and the interaction between them, in accounting for individual differences, after a child is born it is only the environment that can be improved. ( . . . ) It may be that one of the most efficient ways of increasing the number of qualified college students woud be to devote a larger part of ouur educational efforts, and budget, to providing a better start in life for children whose homes are not conducive to good early development.
90

Anne C. Petersen & Jeylan T. Mortimer (eds) (1994). Youth unemployment and society. Cambridge University Press. isbn 052144473X info

1. Youth, unemployment and marginality: the problem and the solution Laura E. Hess, Anne C. Petersen and Jeylan T. Mortimer
2. Social capital, human capital and investment in youth James S. Coleman
3. When may social capital influence children's school performance? John Modell. Reply to John Modell James S. Coleman. Reply to James S. Coleman John Modell.
4. The historical context of transition to work and youth unemployment Helmut Fend
5. The causes of persistently high unemployment Michael White and David J. Smith
6. Concepts of causation, tests of causal mechanisms and implications for intervention Michael Rutter
7. Individual differences as precursors of youth unemployment Jeylan T. Mortimer
8. The psychosocial consequences of youth unemployment Adrian Furnham
9. Societal consequences of youth unemployment Hannie te Grotenhuis and Frans Meijers
10. Social roles for youth: interventions in unemployment Stephen F. Hamilton
11. Youth: work and unemployment - a European perspective for research Hans Bertram
12. Conclusions: social structure and psychosocial dimensions of youth unemployment Walter R. Heinz

J. R. Pole (1993 revised edition). The Pursuit of Equality in American History. University of California Press. isbn 0520079876

June Purvis (1989). Hard lessons. The lives and education of working-class women in nineteenth-century England. Polity Press. isbn 0745606636

Historians of women's education in nineteenth-century England have tended to concentrate overwhelmingly upon the experiences of middle-class girls and women and, in particular, upon the struggle by a minoriry of middle-class women to enter higher education. In contrast, thee are no major texts on the education of working-class women; indeed, it is far to say that the education of working-class women in nineteenth-century England is largely 'invisible', even in feminist histories of education, such as those by Delamont and Dyhouse.
p. 1

Daniel P. Resnick (Ed.) (1983). Literacy in historical perspective. Washington Library of Congress. (For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402). isbn 0844404101.

a.o.:
Thomas W. Laqueu: Toward a cultural ecology of literacy in England, 1600-1850 43-58
It was once thought that the industrial revolution created tens of thousands of new and increasingly technical jobs which required an increasingly educated workforce. Now it appears that literacy rates in the new industrial towns fell throughout the second half of the eighteenth century, and until at least 1850, they remained well below the literacy rates of the composite national average and still further below the average of nonindustrial towns of comparable size. Indeed—as the recent experience of Pakistani workers in English industry or turkish workers in German manufacturing suggests—in order to perform routine factory tasks one need not even know the language of one's host country, much less be able to read or write.
p. 43
Evidence from nineteenth-century surveys, from earlier individual biographies, and from comntemporary studies of the third world suggest that childhood schooling was only one way, not itself sufficient and in some cases not necessary, to become literate. Work alternated with formal and informal education until at least young adulthood and more generally the demarcation between living and learning was not as distinct as it became later.
p. 49
Edward Stevens: Illiterate Americans and nineteenth-century courts: The meaning of literacy 59-84
John U. Ogbu: Literacy and schooling in subordinate cultures: The case of black Americans 129-154

Clark Nardinelli (1990). Child labor and the industrial revolution. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. isbn 0253339715

Apprenticeships 55, 61, 87-89, 11, 25, 31, 99, 122
education: 38 , 89, 116-7, 120-1, 40, 41, 42, 61, 90-1, 92, 93, 115, 117, 90-1
literacy rates: 62, 90-1, 92, 93, 115, 117
ragged schools 15
Apprentices, therefore, were workers who were also children, extra children, extra sons or extra daughters (for girls could be apprenticed too), clothed and educated as well as fed, obliged to obedience and forbidden to marry, unpaid and absolutely dependent until the age of twenty-one . . . We may see at once, therefore, that the world we have lost, as I have chosen to call it, was no paradise or golden age of equality, tolerance or loving kindness. It is so important that I should not be misunderstood on this point that I will say at once that the coming of the industry cannot be shown to have brought economic oppression and exploitation along with it. It was there already.
p 88 in Clark Nardinelli (1990). Child labor and the industrial revolution. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. isbn 0253339715; quote from Peter Laslett (1965) The world we have lost p. 3, see note 71

Andrew Miles & David Vincent (eds.) (1993). Building European society. Occupational change and social mobility in Europe, 1840-1940. Manchester University Press. isbn 071903499X

Specialist papers.

E. T. Bell (1937/1953). Men of Mathematics. A Pelican Book A276 A277

Might be interesting for the romanticism and beliefs of its author-mathematician, as well as those of the mathematicians he writes on. Just an example, on Bernhard Riemann and his inborn mathematical genius:

Arithmetic, begun at about six, offered something less harrowing for the sensitive boy to dwell on. His inborn mathematical genius now asserted itself. Bernhard not anly solved all the problems shoved at him, but invented more difficult teasers to exasperate his brother and sisters. Already the creative impulse in mathematics dominated the boy's mind.
535
Te director of the Gymnasium, SSchmalfuss, having observed Riemann's talent for mathematics, had given the boy the run of his rivate library ad had excused him from attending mathematical classes. In this way Riemann discovered his inborn aptitude for pamthematics, but his failure to realize immediately the extent of his ability is so characteristic of his almost pathological modesty as to be ludicrous.
Schmalfuss had suggested that Riemann borrow some mathematical book for private study. Riemann said that would be nice, provided the book was not too easy, and at the suggestion of Schmalfuss carried off Legendre's Theéorie des Nombres (Theory of Numbers). This is a mere trifle of 859 large quarto pages, many of them scrabbled with very close reasoning indeed. Six days later Riemann returned the book. 'How far did you read?' Schmalfuss asked. Without replying directly, Riemann expressed his appreciation of Legendre's classic. 'That is certainly a wonderful book. I have mastered it.' And in fact he had. Some time later when he was examined he answered perfectly, although he had not seen the book for months.
537

Allen Buchanan, Dan W. Brock, Norman Daniels & Daniel Winkler (2000). From chance to choice. Genetics and justice. Cambridge UP. isbn 0521660017 info

#eugenics #determinism #interventions

Probing the implications of the remarkable advances in genetics the authors ask how they should affect our understanding of distributive justice, equality in opportunity, the rights and obligations as parents, the meaning of disability, and the role of the concept of human nature in ethcal theory and practice.
1. Introduction
2. Eugenics and its shadow
3. Genes, justice, and human nature
4. Positive and negative genetic interventions
5. Reproductive freedom and the prevention of harm
6. Why not the best?
7. Genetic intervention and the morality of inclusion
8. Policy implications
Appendix 1. The meaning of genetic causation, by Elliott Sober
The fact that genetic differences explain phenotypic variation within two groups does not mean that genetic differences explain phenotypic variation between those two groups.
363
Appendix 2. Methodology

Gry Oftedal (2005). Heritability and genetic causation. Philosophy of Science, 72, 699-709. pdf

Abstract The method in human genetics of ascribing causal responsibility to genotype by the use of heritability estimates has been heavily criticized over the years. It has been argued that these estimates are rarely valid and do not serve the purpose of tracing genetic causes. Recent contributions strike back at this criticism. I present and discuss two opposing views on these matters represented by Richard Lewontin and Neven Sesardic, and I suggest that some of the disagreement is based on differing concepts of genetic causation. I use the distinction of structuring and triggering causes to help clarifying the basis for the opposing views.

Key publication.

R. C. Lewontin (1974). The Analysis of Variance and the Analysis of Causes. Am JHum Genet 26, 400-411.

Key publication. See also Oftedal_2005

R. D. Rosenkrantz (1978). Distributive justice. In C. A. Hooker, J. J. Leach & E. F. McClennen (Eds.) (1978). Foundations and applications of decision theory. Volume II: Epistemic and social applications. (pp. 91-120). Reidel. isbn 9027708444 preview

C. A. Hooker, J. J. Leach & E. F. McClennen (Eds.) (1978). Foundations and applications of decision theory. Volume II: Epistemic and social applications. (pp. 91-120). Reidel. isbn 9027708444 info

- among others:
- Leon Ellsworth: Decision-theoretic analysis of Rawls' original position 29-46 preview "Rawls compares the difference principle to the maximin principle for individual choice uncertainty. For in any choice among alternative practices the difference principle selects the one best for the worst off 'representative man'." That's the way to choose instruction methods. Tweeted this.
- R. D. Rosenkrantz (1978). Distributive justice. 91-120

Aamna Mohdin (June12, 2018)). Researchers discovered hundreds of ads for runaway slaves in 18th-century Britain. Quartzpage

Humans for sale, 18th entury England.

OECD (2018). In which countries do the most highly qualified and experienced teachers teach in the most difficult schools? open

PISA data show that there are inequities in access to experienced and qualified teachers in many countries, and that they are related to the gap in learning outcomes between advantaged and disadvantaged students.

Ben Williamson (June 18, 2018). Scientists Seek Genetic Data to Personalize Education blog

Stuart Ritchie & Elliot Tucker-Drob (2018). How much does education improve intelligence? A meta-analysis. Psychological Science abstract also a preprint

. . . we found consistent evidence for beneficial effects of education on cognitive abilities, of approximately 1 to 5 IQ points for an additional year of education. Moderator analyses indicated that the effects persisted across the lifespan, and were present on all broad categories of cognitive ability studied. Education appears to be the most consistent, robust, and durable method yet to be identified for raising intelligence.
from the abstract

Earl Hunt (1995). The role of intelligence in modern society American Scientist, 83, 356-368. text (without figures; formulas scrambled)

Somewhat outdated, the first sections on intelligence are still very useful though. Of course, the Bell curve (Herrnstein & Murray)

psychometric views of intelligence
Its core belief is that individual differences in human cognition can be adequately measured by performance on intelligence tests, and that intelligence itself can therefore be defined by variations in test scores, across people. ( . . . ) . . . in psychometrics the concept is inferred from the measuring instrument, rather than having the measurement technique dictated by the concept. ( . . . )
John Carroll (1993) used somewhat different methods to reanalyze a great many important data sets that have been collected over the past 60 years. The results of these independent analyses were quite consistent. Skipping over some details, human intellectual competence appears to divide along three dimensions. Following Raymond Cattell (1971) and John Horn (1985), I shall refer to these dimensions as fluid intelligence (Gf), crystallized intelligence (Gc), and visual-spatial reasoning (Gv). Cattell and Horn describe them as follows:
Fluid intelligence is the ability to develop techniques for solving problems that are new and unusual, from the perspective of the problem solver.
Crystallized intelligence is the ability to bring previously acquired, often culturally defined, problem-solving methods to bear on the current problem. Note that this implies both that the problem solver knows the methods and recognizes that they are relevant in the current situation.
Visual-spatial reasoning is a somewhat specialized ability to use visual images and visual relationships in problem solving--for instance, to construct in your mind a picture of the sort of mental space that I described above in discussing factor-analytic studies. Interestingly, visual-spatial reasoning appears to be an important part of understanding mathematics. ( . . . )
Since variables such as age, which is not itself a cognitive operation, have different influences on different types of tests, it follows that there cannot be just one ability underlying test performance. This argument moves away from the psychometric tradition, which focuses only on test scores, and towards the cognitive-psychology approach to intelligence.
356-9
the cognitive-psychology view
Cognitive psychologists think of thinking as the process of creating a mental representation of the current problem, retrieving information that appears relevant and manipulating the representation in order to obtain an answer. The problem, its solution and some of the methods used to solve it are then stored for later reference. The key point in this process is creating the representation. This is assumed to require a temporary, working memory capability, which requires attention and is often a bottleneck in thought. ( . . . )
The cognitive-psychology view is that cognition is a process, whereas the psychometric view makes it a collection of abilities. ( . . . ) When cognitive psychologists try to characterize a person's thinking, they are not likely to use numbers to place the person in a "mental space" defined by factors derived from IQ testing. Instead they frequently use analogies to computing systems. ( ... ) In psychological terms, human number-crunching is a physiological capacity, whereas knowing how to solve problems and knowing key facts are both products of learning. Each of these aspects of thought are legitimate parts of intelligence. The physiological capacities are clearly part of Gf, knowing key facts is part of Gc, and having acquired certain problem-solving strategies is a bit of both Gc and Gf. A person's capabilities are determined by the interaction between power, knowledge of how to use that power and access to required data.
The cognitive-psychology account complements the psychometric distinction between fluid and crystallized intelligence. Both accounts stress how a novice's performance depends on the ability to develop new problem representations (Cattell and Horn's fluid intelligence) and how with experience one shifts from problem representation to pattern recognition, by applying past solutions to present problems. Since developing a representation is more demanding of working memory and attention than pattern recognition is, learning to do an intellectual task will generally be harder than doing it. The theory also implies that people who do well on tests of fluid intelligence should have a large working-memory capacity, and indeed, they do (Carpenter, Just and Shell 1990).
When cognition is viewed this way it is not surprising that IQ tests, and especially fluid-intelligence tests, are associated with academic performance. By definition students are novices. So are apprentices in workplace settings.
359-60
non-linearities in intelligence
The general-intelligence model was first developed by Charles Spearman (1904, 1927), based on analysis of test results from English schoolchildren. In 1938 L. L. Thurstone challenged Spearman's conclusion because he found very little evidence for general intelligence in a sample of University of Chicago undergraduates. It was observed at the time that the discrepancy might have arisen because Spearman and Thurstone had taken data from people of widely different intellectual levels, which would be evidence that intelligence changes qualitatively as the level of mental competence changes. However, the results were not definitive because Spearman and Thurstone had used different tests.
An important study by Douglas Detterman and Mark Daniel (1989) showed that the relations between subtests do change as the level of scores changes. Among other things, Detterman and Daniel examined correlations between subtests of the WAIS and found higher correlations between subtest scores for people with below-average IQ than for people with above-average IQ. David Waller and Derek Chung and I found the same thing when we analyzed the ASVAB scores that Herrnstein and Murray used in The Bell Curve to determine the relation between IQ and various indicators of social adjustment. It appears that general intelligence may not be an accurate statement, but general lack of intelligence is!
The conclusion that the relation between different indices of mental competence depends on the general level of competence is not consistent with psychometric approaches, but it is consistent with the cognitive-psychology approach. Recall that the cognitive-psychology approach assumes that mental competence is produced by a cascade of progressively more refined abilities, moving from information processing to problem-solving techniques to knowledge possession. It follows that problems at the information-processing level will be general, whereas potentials established at higher levels will be specific. In fact, Detterman and Daniel did find that the relation between information-processing measures and intelligence-test performance is higher at low levels of intelligence. Similar observations have been made by scientists who have studied very high-level performance, in fields ranging from physics to literature. A certain amount of intelligence seems to be needed to gain entry to an intellectually demanding field, but beyond that point success is determined by the effort put into the job, social support, and just sheer experience. (See Ericsson, Krampe and Tesch-Romer (1993) on expertise, Simonton (1984) on creativity, and Gardner (1993) for some interesting biographical data.)
In economic terms it appears that the IQ score measures something with decreasing marginal value. It is important to have enough of it, but having lots and lots does not buy you that much.
361-2
how importantis intelligence?
In summary, it appears that IQ is an important factor in getting into a job or profession, but is less important (although not negligible) once you have learned to do the job. Further improvement is then achieved by acquiring experience, rather than improving upon an abstract knowledge of what the job requires.
363
untangling social variables
We once again see that the data are more easily explained by the cognitive-psychology view of intelligence as an interacting process than from the psychometric emphasis on linear relationships. From a cognitive-psychology perspective, low IQ might cause social problems, because of the failure of some general component of cognition, but once beyond a given level of ability people would be able to cope with the general society adequately.
364
can cognitive abilities be improved?
--
IQ and cognitive skills
The sociologist Christopher Jencks (1992) has observed that genetic explanations that stop with a heritability coefficient are unsatisfactory because they do not specify how intelligent behavior is produced. No one inherits an intelligence-test score in the sense that one inherits eye color. What must be inherited is a physiological capacity for paying attention, learning and reasoning that allows us to extract from our experiences the knowledge and problem-solving techniques required to solve test problems. We have very little idea about what these physiological mechanisms might be, especially insofar as they are related to variation in abilities within the normal range of intelligence. (. . . )
Even if we do not know how to improve intelligence, as indicated by the test scores, the economic issue is what skills people possess, not what their IQ scores are. We may not be able to destroy the linkage between IQ scores and the relative possession of cognitive skills (and it is not clear why we would want to), but improved education and training can raise the average achievement of all students. A study by one of my colleagues (Levidow 1994) showed this in a controlled way. High-school students were given a test of fluid intelligence. They then took a year-long problem-solving-oriented course in elementary physics. The IQ test did indeed predict how much physics the students learned. At the end of the year they took an equivalent IQ test. Their IQ scores had not changed a whit. Furthermore, the IQ test did predict the relative standings of the students on the final examination. However, all students had learned a great deal of physics, as evidenced by comparisons to national standards. IQ may not have been changed, but cognitive competence, in the sense of the problems the student could solve, was increased. ( . . . )
The cognitive skills needed to be a fully functional member of our society are clearly on the rise. Once again, intelligence is more closely linked to acquiring these skills than to exercising them once they are acquired. Therefore investments that improve the efficiency of training and education will have larger and larger payoffs as the technological sophistication required to function in society increases.
365-7
intellectual recources in the workforce
--

Earl Hunt (1996). When should we shoot the messenger? Issues involving cognitive testing, public policy, and the law. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 2(3/4), 486-505. abstract

Be sure to note that this article is about the question of the use of IQ-scores in education being defensible or not: causal relations must be established, correlatios are just not sufficient. Key publication.

Patricia A. Carpenter, Marcel Adam Just, and Peter Shell (1990). What One Intelligence Test Measures: A Theoretical Account of the Processing in the Raven Progressive Matrices Test. Psychological Review, 97pdf

Be aware that the authors do not include Flynn's results on what others named the Flynn effect, the rise of intelligence test scores, especially those of the Raven. The Flynn effect does not square with the idea that the Raven tests for fluid intelligence.

We use the term analytic intelligence to refer to the ability to reason and solve problems involvingnew information,without relying extensively on an explicit base of declarative knowledge derived from either schooling or previous experience. In the theory of R. Cattell (1963), this form of intelligence has been labeled fluid intelligence and has been contrasted with crystallized intelligence, which more directly reflects the previously acquired knowledgeand skills that have been crystallized with experience. Thus, analytic intelligence refers to the ability to deal with novelty, to adapt one's thinking to a new cognitive problem. In this article, we provide a theoretical account of what it means to perform well on a classic test of analytic intelligence, the Raven Progressive Matrices Test (Raven, 1962).

Earl Hunt (1995). Will We Be Smart Enough? A Cognitive Analysis of the Coming Workforce [UB Leiden Closed Stack 3 6272 E 18 requested, received, returned] info

Useful book. Fine information on lots of crucial topics.

Flynn J.R. (2015) The March of Reason: What Was Hidden in Our Genes. In: Goldstein S., Princiotta D., Naglieri J. (eds) Handbook of Intelligence. Springer, New York, NY https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-1562-0_29 abstract

If you have no access to this article [I do not have access myself, regrettably, neither is the book available at the library of Leiden University] you might try to search googl.books goo.gl/vRnMGV using the first sentence of the abstract below. The article is adapted from material in James R. Flynn (2013) Intelligence and human progress: The story of what was hidden in our genes. Elsevier. Key publication (key theory: Dickens)

Despite our genes, social progress has enhanced rationality and morality. The industrial revolution had subtle effects on both, and we enter an era in which the measurement of intelligence (IQ tests) raised questions about whether cognitive gains were equivalent to 'intelligence' gains. A division of labor solves this problem. The measurement of intelligence properly refers to assessing individual differences in cognitive skills within groups at a particular time and place. The measurement of cognitive progress properly refers to people altering over time: whether they can use reason to deal with a wider range of problems (including moral problems), which is to say with cognitive history. Twin studies posed a dilemma about the potency of environment to account for cognitive progress. The Dickens/Flynn model shows that it can. The relevant question for humanity is whether cognitive and moral progress will persist over the next century.
abstract
Darwin had no concept of a gene as a unit of heredity. However, he believed tat all creatures inherited characteristics that separated one species from another and also distinguished individuals from one another within species. He was a thoroughly good man but reflected the prejudices of his day regarding the inherited 'weaknesses' of people at the people at the bottom of the social scale.
Darwin (1871, p. 510) lamented that physicians prolong the lives of everyone and as a result ". . . weak members of civilized societies propagate their kind. No-one will doubt that this will must be higghly injurious to the race of man." The man who also independently discovered the theory of natural selection, Alfred Russell Wallace, records a conversation (1890, p. 93): Darwin is oppressed by the tendency of the 'lower classes' to over-reproduce and characterizes the surplus as children of 'the scum'. Wallace's memory could be at fault. However, by 1890, Wallace had totally rejected this image of 'civilized society'. He was adamant that English society was too corrupt and unjust to allow any reasonable determination of who was fit or unfit. He respected Darwin and was unlikely to so describe his views without foundation.
p. 471. [The publication by Wallace (1890): Human selection. http://people.wku.edu/charles.smith/wallace/S427.htm

Alfred Russel Wallace (Sept. 1890). Human selection. Fortnightly Review, p.325-337 ff. webpage

Robert J. Sternberg (2003). Wisdom, intelligence, and creativity synthesized. Cambridge University Press. [UB Leiden PSYCHO C6-100]

The prehistory of my search began when I was a primary school student and turned in a dismal performance on the required group tests. I was so text-anxious I could hardly get myself to answer the test questions. When I heard other students turn the test pages, it was all over for me. For three years, my teachers thought me stupid, and I obliged, pleasing them by confirming their self-fulfilling prophecies for me. They were happy, I was happy; everyone was pretty damn happy.
In grade 4, at age nine, I had a teacher who believed in me, and to please her, I became an ‘A’ student. I also learned that, when authority figures set high expectations for a student, it is amazi ng how quickly that student can defy earlier low expectations.
p x in Robert J. Sternberg (2003). Wisdom, intelligence, and creativity synthesized. Cambridge University Press.
https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1010614249360711680

Douglas B. Downey & Dennis J. Condron (2016). Fifty years since the Coleman Report: Rethinking the relationship between schools and inequality. Sociology of Education, 89, 207-220. abstract [Rejoinder—2016. Two Questions for Sociologists of Education: A Rejoinder Sociology of Education 89(3): 234-235. ] . Jencks commented on the article abstract.

Key publication

THE CRITICAL VIEW OF SCHOOLS - The Challenge to the Critical Perspective - Understanding How Schools Influence Inequality - Seasonal Comparisons - THE REFRACTION FRAMEWORK - Schools as Compensatory - Compensatory Mechanisms - THE COSTS OF IGNORING SCHOOLS''COMPENSATORY POTENTIAL - The Cost to Research - The Cost to Policy - CONCLUSIONS

Lesley A. Jacobs (2016). Dealing fairly with winners and losers in school: Reframing how to think about equality of educational opportunity 50 years after the Coleman Report. Sociology of Education, 14 issue: 3, page(s): 313-332 https://doi.org/10.1177/1477878516680409 abstract

Key publication "Framing equality of educational opportunity around fairness"

. . . an alternative theory of equality of educational opportunity that is better able to function as a regulative ideal for competition in the education system, one that identifies standards or principles of fairness to guide policy on how to deal fairly with winners and losers.
from the abstract

Simon Gunn & Rachel Bell (2002). Middle Classes, their rise and sprawl. Cassell. isbn 0304361399

A characteristic that in itself already explains a lot of the difficulties of lower class children to get a fair education (competitive middle class parents—collateral damage: frustrating fair schooling for lower class children)::

Education is absolutely central to the English middle classes: they are the people who pass exams. The idea of professionalisation which developed in the nineteenth century and became so crucial a part of middle-class identity depended upon a system of education which led to recognised qualifications. By the 1880s, for an individual to be a professional, with its concomitant status and career structure, he had to have a piece of paper which proved his fluency and ability in a particular field. Education, and its verification in the form of qualifications, became a form of capital which could be turned into lifelong prosperity and security. Passing the examination became the key turning point for an individual's future and getting their children an education which would lead them to exam success became one of the main ambitions of middle-class parents, however much it cost. For generations of parents investment in education became a priority, what one commentator has called 'the inalienable right of the middle class to educate their children beyond their means'.
p. 123 in: Simon Gunn & Rachel Bell (2002). Middle Classes, their rise and sprawl. Cassell.

Fritz K. Ringer (1968/1990 reprint). The decline of the German mandarins. Wesleyan University Press / University Press of New England. isbn 0819562351 info
#elite #Bildung Key publication on the intellectual elite, esp. in the 19th and early 20th century. [Bildung - cultivation] A stray quote from this rich book:
- [Jaspers] reminded his readers that the masses had always been known to have a low intelligence, and he stressed the importance of family background, feeling that a student's receptivity would be poor unless he came from the tradition of a 'cultured family'.
  p. 109
Steven Pinker (2002). The blank slate. The modern denial of human nature. Allen Lane. [UB Leiden Psycho P2.2-23] info
- The three laws of behavioral genetics may be the most important discoveries in the history of psychology. ( . . . )
  - The First Law: All human behavioral traits are heritable
  - The Second Law: The effect of being raised in the same family is smaller than the effect of the genes.
  - The Third Law: A substantial portion of the variation in complex human behavioral traits is not accounted for by the effects of genes or families.
  p. 372-3
- Heritability is the proportion of variance in a trait that correlates with genetic differences. [I prefer to call it predictable variance, to avoid misunderstandings on causation. Predictable on the basis of what: knowledge of each person's genes. That is knowledge we do not yet have, but in recent years that has changed: we do have that knowledge. However, without that knowledge the predictability is just theory, a logical conclusion from knowledge about genetics of twins. b.w.] ( . . . ) All this translates into substantial heritability values, generally between .25 and .75. A conventional summary is that about half of the variation in intelligence, personality, and life outcomes is heritable—a correlate or an indirect product of the genes. [Pinker sums up a number of caveats. Not mentioned: the concepts of a trait and of intelligence are controversial. The problem then is: to what extent depend these results of behavioral genetics on the principle of 'garbage in, garbage out'? I am not joking. In the following Pinker is sloppy in his language, talking of heritability of general intelligence, where only heritability of differences in general general intelligence is meant; quite another concept! (Pinker corrects himself on top of p. 377) Heritability is population characteristic, not an individual one. b.w.]
  p. 374-5
- https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1072756599880597504
Pippa Allen-Kinross (Jun 20, 2018). The more disadvantaged the pupil, the less experienced their math teacher.blog

David Owen (1999). None of the above. The truth behind the SATs. Revised and updated. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. isbn 0847695077 info
The Scholastic Aptitude test is produced by Educational Testing Service ETS. ETS is a respected institution as far its scientific publications are concerned. The nitty gritty business of selling tests is quite another story, even though both endeavors cannot strictly be separated. The lesson of the David Owen book is that one can not and should not trust the testing operations of firms (formally foundations with tax exemptions . . . . ) like ETS. In the Netherlands the corresponding foundation is Arnhem based Cito (and CvTE, a committee that formally is responsible for exit examinations in Dutch primary, secondary and tertiary vocational education). Especially these firms are not to be trusted in matters of equity, of fair testing. It is a sorry thing to have to say, but that is the way things are. Twenty years later they are even very much worse, in the land of Common Core State Standards and multinational Pearson winning contracts for test delivery (even for PISA).
- some chapters:
  - Holistic grading
  - Multiple guess
  - Tempting the medicine freaks
  - Coaching
  - Beating the test
  - Test security
  - The cult of mental measurement
  - Brains
  - Mythology
  - Testing and teachers
  - Testing and society: What can be done?
Charles W. Daves (Ed.) (1984). The uses and misuses of tests. Examining current issues in educational and psychological testing. Jossey-Bass. isbn 0875896146
- - John T. Casteen III: The public stake in proper test use 1-12
  - Melvin R. Novick: Importance of professional standards or fair and appropriate test use 13-20
  - Importance of professional standards or fair and appropriate test use
  - Anne Anastasi, Frank w. Snyder, Mary L. Tenopyr, Melvin R. Novick: Commentaries on the development of technical standards for educational and psychological testing 21-46
  - Anthony J. Alvarado: Role of testing in developing and assessing early childhood education programs 47-58
  - Diane Ravitch: Value of standardized tests in indicting how well students are learning 59-68
  - Fred A. Hargadon: Responding to charges of test misuse in higher education 69-90
  - Franklyn G. Jenifer: How test results affect college asmissions 91-106
  - Donald N. Bersogff: Legal constraints on test use in the schools 107-127a
Gautam Rao (May 2018). Familiarity Does Not Breed Contempt: Generosity, Discrimination and Diversity in Delhi. American Economic Review prepublication
- I exploit a natural experiment in Indian schools to study how being integrated with poor students affects the social behaviors and academic outcomes of rich students. Using administrative data, lab and field experiments to measure outcomes, I find that having poor classmates makes rich students (i) more prosocial, generous and egalitarian; and (ii) less likely to discriminate against poor students, and more willing to socialize with them. These effects are driven by personal interactions between rich and poor students. In contrast, I find mixed but overall modest impacts on rich students' academic achievement.
  abstract
Sidney H. Aronson (1964). Status and kinship in the higher civil service. Standards of selection in the administrations of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson. Harvard University Press. lccc 64-11126
- It may be that the most important consequence of the egalitarian ideologies was their influence on the development of democracy in later political generations. Jacksonian Democracy developed from Jeffersonian Democracy and extended it. Jeffersonianism removed the legal restrictions which had prevented the propertyless from voting and from holding office. Jacksonianism, by expending great effort in the area of education, succeeded in winning acceptance for free, tax-supported schools for all Americans, and thus made it possible for the newly enfranchised masses to pick up the training so essential for the performance of high political roles. The extension of democracy to the area of education apparently occurred too late to have been of much use to Jackson himself—although his college men were of lower origins than those in the other two elites—but it would be instrumental in furthering the political power of the average man when the practice became established of filling jobs by examination rather than by the traditional criteria which had always discriminated against the common people. ,p>Jeffersonianism made the common man eligible for high office; Jacksonianism made it possible for him to receive the training reqired to run that office. But Jackson made one further contribution: although he did not succees in democratizing the elite, everyone thought he had. Furthermore, Americans generally felt that Jackson's successors should do as he had done. If any of them achieved a moderate degree of success it was largely because they felt compelled to follow the lead of Andrew Jackson.
  pp 198-9
R. D. Rosenkrantz (1978). Distributive justice. In C. A. Hooker, J. J. Leach & E. F. McClennen (Eds.) (1978). Foundations and applications of decision theory. Volume II: Epistemic and social applications. (91-120). Reidel. isbn 9027708444 preview
- Efficiency - The difference principle - Fair divisions - Justice as collective choice - Practical implementation - Liberty
Torsten Husén (1974). Talent, equality and meritocracy. Availability and utilization of talent. Martinus Nijhoff. isbn 9024716721
#IQ #meritocracy #Nature and #nurture. The belief in inborn #talent characterized (first quote); and how #class was a divisor in Western countries until recently or even today (second quote):
- According to the classical liberal conception of the utilization of talent the individual is born with a certain endowment — his 'native wit' — which he primarily is responsible for developing to its full potential. There should be no artificial barriers in the institutional system of education to bar him from taking advantage of the opportunities his abilities entitle him to. Equal opportunity in a formal sense should be given to everybody by removing economic, social and geographic barriers which prevent the able from climbing the educational ladder (freie Bahn der Tüchtigen). A key idea in this philosophy is that talent is mainly inborn, something that squares with the view of devine destiny. The active participation of the individual in molding his own fate squares with Protestant work ethic. Those who succeed and those who fail get the [raise and the blame for effort or lack of effort respectively. Thus, as Michael Young (1958) spells out in his parable, M = E x A, merit equals effort times ability. In a system where everybody tries hard to develop himself, a 'natural aristocracy', to use Jefferson's phrase, will replace the ascriptive nobility.
  In the Western world this conception translated into practical politics meanns that able young people from lower classes should get the support they need in order to enter institutions of higher education. This kind of philosophy was further developed by several liberal thinkers in Europe during the 19th century.
  p. 125
- Until well into the 1950s the school systems of many West European countries, such as Britain, France and germany, consisted of two almost completely distinct subsystems: a primary school for all and a secondary school for a social and intellectual élite. Transfers from one system to the other occurred with few exceptions at the ages 10 or 11. For the larger majority of pupils this meant that a decision was made for them which determined their entire life career. Those who were admitted to the lower section of the academic secondary school after the first few grades in the primary school were heading for the more prestigious and better paid positions within the broad spectrum of white-collar jobs. Those who remained in the upper grades of the primary school until completion of compulsory schooling were as a rule sonsigned to manual labor. In several countries until recently the secondary university-preparing school (for instance the Gymnasium in Germany and the lucée in France) has provided a continuous course en bloc from the age of 10 or 11 until age 18 or 19.
  pp. 128-9
- Talent - genetically and/or sociologically conceived
  'Pool of talent' - conceptualization and methods of assessment
  The secular trend in the development of the pool of talent
  Ability, education and economic success
  Inherited diversity, equality and meritocracy
  Standard of the elite in selective and comprehensive systems
  Constraints on the development of talent
  Implications for long-range strategy in education
  contents
- Cyril Burt in England has been the most prominent proponent of the Galton tradition of 'hereditary genius' which was part of the more comprehensive theory of natural selection according to which certain importany human traits are genetically fixed. Galton, inspired by his interest in mental inheritance, proposed to the Anthropological Section of the British Association fo the Advancement of Science a survey on mental capacities. Burt together with among others Spearman and McDougall was assigned to construct the tests (Burt, 1972). In one of his latest publications Burt (1969) defined intelligence as 'innate, general, cognitive ability'. Apart from the impact of the Darwin-Galton tradition Burt's views carried heavy weight since he once pioneered the massive use in British schools of intelligence tests. All his life Burt (1972) took a strong position on the side of the hereditarians and he slso drew practical conclusions in terms of siding with the élitists against those who were proponents of a comprehensive secondary school and who wanted to abolish the eleven-plus examinations (Cox and Dyson, 1969). As indicated above, the hereditarian view has been closely associated with conservative policy conceptions, whereas the environmental view has been prevalent among liberals who have favored educational provisions on a broader and more equitable basis.
  In his 1973 exposition of the heredity-environmnet issue Hunt (op. cit., p. 5) [Hunt 1973, b.w.] points out that defining 'intelligence as an innate ability has the defect of leaving it unmeasurable, simply because what is onservable are the test scores, the phenotype, whereas not even a dogmatic hereditarian would claim that these scores are pure measures of the genotype, the 'native wit'. This cofusion has led to maintaining the highly artificial distinction between intelligence tests and achievement tests. Such a distinction has been made in spite of the fact that intelligence tests have been validated against academic attainments and then referred to as 'scholastic aptitude tests'.
  We are beginning to arrive at a consensus that the two types of tests, typicla group or individual intelligence tests and achievement tests, particularly in reading and writing, differ mainly with regard to the range of expriences they tap. No distict demarcation line between them can be established. The conventional intelligence tests that have been used to measure scholastic ability are at best measures of cognitive skills, which are strategic in absorbing the learning material in the ordinary school situation. Many of these tests tap what Cattell (1971) has referred to as 'crystallized' intelligence, skills which are necessary prerequisites for more 'fluid', problemsolb=ving operations at a 'higher' mental level.
  Thus, as Hunt points out, intelligence as measured by the conventional tests is to a large extent a product of learning not only a cause behind it. This conception has been emphasized by Ferguson (1956) who views the factors obtained from factor analyses as clusters of over-learned skills.
  p. 11-12
J. McV Hunt (1972). Heredity, Environment, and Class or Ethnic Diferences. pdf of concept/report [published in ETS Invitational Conference 1973]
[mentioned in Husén 1974, zie hierboven, p. 11-12. ] My annotations:
The criterion for what is a good intelligence test (IQ): does it predict school achievement? Just as it was for Binet & Simon, at the beginning of the last century. Therefore: IQ is a school thing. And yes, schooling probably is a necessary condition for the qualities of one's later personal and vocational life. Quite another question is: is IQ predictive of those qualities, given the schooling one has received? If not, then what is the justification to make schooling (amount, quality) dependent on IQ? If some pupils need more time than others to reach sufficient mastery, why should that diminish their chances / rights / desert / merit? What is the merit of IQ? Is there any, except costs of schooling (assuming the costs to be negatively related to IQ)?

Bryan Caplan (2018). The Case against Education: Why the Education System Is a Waste of Time and Money. Princeton UP. isbn 9780691174655 info
tweet

Jay P. Greene & Michael Q. McShane (2018). Failure Up Close. What Happens, Why It Happens, and What We Can Learn from It. Rowman & Littlefield. isbn 9781475840551 info
- 1. Frederick M. Hess and Paige Willey: The Limits of Expertise 1-16
  2. Larry Cuban: The 'failure' of new technologies to transform traditional education in the past century 17-34
  3. Daniel Willingham: Teacher Education: Failed Reform and a Missed Opportunity 35-46 draft
  4. Martin West: Asking too much of accountability: the predictable failure of No Child Left Behind 47-54
  5. Ashley Jochim: School Improvement Grants: Failures in Design and Implementation 55-70
  6. Matthew Di Carlo: Test-base teacher-evaluation 71-88
  7. Anna Egalite: The Failure of Private School Vouchers and Tax Credit Scholarship 89-108
  8. Matthew Ladner: No excuses charter schools: the good, the bad, and the over-prescribed? 109-122
  9. Megan E. Tompkins-Stange: Too Big to Fail: 'Big Bet' Philanthropy and Constructive Failure at the Gates Foundation 123-132

Stephen J. Ceci (Guest Ed.) (1996). IQ in society. Special theme of Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 2 contents [No access? Try sci-hub, using the Dó addresses]

tweet [use @threadreaderapp to save the whole thread (might not succeed in all cases, however)]

- Stephen J. Ceci: General intelligence and life success: An introduction to the special theme 403-417
- Linda S. Gottfredson: Racially gerrymandering the content of police tests to sarisfy the U.S. Justice Departmen: A case study. 418-446
- John E.Hunter & Frank L. Schmidt: Intelligence and job performance: Economic and social implicatins 447-472
- Nathan Brody: Intelligence and public policy 473-485
- Earl Hunt: When should we shoot the messenger? Issues involving cognitive testing, public policy, and the law? 486-505
- Wendy M. Williams: Consequences of how we define and assess intelligence 505-535
- Richard E. Snow: Aptitude development and education 536-560
- Diane F. Halpern: Public policy implications of sex differences in cognitive abilities 561-574
- Robert J. Sternberg: Equal protection under the law: What is missing in education 575-583
- William G. Bush: Intelligence testing and judicial policy making for special education 584-602
- David L. Kirp: Intelligent policy: Commentary 603-619
- Victor G. Rosenblum: On law's responsiveness to social scientists' findings: An intelligible nexus? 620-634
- RichardB. Darlington: On race and intelligence: A commentary on affirmative action, the evolution of intelligence, the regression analyses in The Bell Curbe, and Jensen's two-level theory 635-645

B. F. M. Bakker, J. Dronkers en G. W. Meijnen (Eds) (1989). Educational opportunities in the welfare state. Nijmegen: ITS, 1989. isbn 9063706561.

- ao:
- J. Dronkers: The yields of Dutch educational attainment research; a retrospective view of the last decennium
- P. de Graaf: Cultural reproduction and educational stratification
- P. J. Willemse: Survival in pre-university education. A comparison of two Dutch generations as regards gender, achievement and social background
- R. J. Bosker and R.K.W. van der Velden: School effects on educational perspectives
- U. de Jong and J. Roeleveld: Public and private secondary schools in Amsterdam
- J. Dronkers and B. F. M. Bakker: Income attainment in the Netherlands. A longitudinal study of the relationships for men between origins, education, marriage, occupation and family income

Allan Bloom (1990). Giants and dwarfs. Essays 1960-1990. New York: Simon and Schuster. isbn 0671707779

especially:
Emile 177-207
Rousseau:The turning point 208-231
Justce: John Rawls versus the tradition of political philosophy 348-364
Similarly, althoigh Rawls admires John Stuart Mill, one would never know from Rawls's account of him that the primary intention of On Liberty was to protect the minority of superior men from the tyranny of the majority, that Mill believed mankind was threatened by universal mediocrity.
p. 330
The criis of liberal education 349-364
The democratization of the university 365-386

William B. Schrader (Ed.) (1981). Admissions testing and the public interest. Proceedings of the 1980 ETS Invitational Conference. New Directions for Testing and Measurement. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. isbn 875899718

Barbara Lerner: Equal opportunity versus equal results: Monsters, rightful causes, and perverse effects 1-14 Equal opportunity and equal results considered historically from legal and educational perspectives.
William H. Angoff: Equating and equity 15-20 Standardized tests can help greatly to achieve equity in assessing achievement and promise
Lloyd Bond: Before the test: Coaching, equity, and admissions 53-60 Current evidence on coaching, testing, legislation, and test use are reviewed and evaluated
Wayne H. Holtzman: Professional standards and governmental control 81-92 While professional standards for tests have been developed and refined since World War ii, legislative efforts to regulate testing tend to affect test quality adversely.
Thoma J. Fitzgibbon: Effects of government regulation on testing boards and agencies 93-98 New York's LaVale Act, pending legislation, and the involvement of courts in testing have added to testing costs without compensating benefits

Nathaniel H. Hartshorne (Ed.) (1977). Educational measurement and the law. Proceedings of the 1977 ETS Invitational Conference. Educational testing Service. lccc 47-11220. scan

a.o.:
Barbara Lerner: Equal protection and external screening: Davis, De Funis, and Bakke 3-28
Melvin R. Novick: The influence of the law on professional measurement standards 41-52
Wayne H. Holtzman: Validity and legality 63-72
Charles l. Thomas: Some possible social implications of recent court decisions 73-86
Norman Frederiksen: There ought to be a law 87-98
Michael Scriven: The logic of judgment in evaluation and the law: making hard decisions with soft data 99-108

Patrick Suppes (Ed.). (1978). Impact of Research on Education: Some Case Studies. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Education. No isbn [Een samenvatting van 110 blz is afzonderlijk gepubliceerd]

John B. Carroll: On the theory-practice interface in the measurement of intellectual abilities 1-106 (reprinted in Sternberg 'Handboek of Human Intelligence' gedeeltelijk: https://books.google.nl/books?id=VG85AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA88&lpg=PA88&dq=carroll+%22The+use+and+misuse+of+intelligence+tests+in+schools
Jonçich Clifford: Words for schools: The application in education of the vocabulary researches of Edward L. Thorndike 107-198
Robert Glaser: The contributions of B. F. Skinner to education and some counterinfluences 199-267
Guy J. Groen: The theoretical ideas of Piaget and educational practice 267-318
Patrick Suppes & Hermine Warren: Psychoanalysis and American elementary education 319-396
J. W. Getzels: Paradigm and practice: On the impact of basic research in education 477-522
Torsten Husén: Educational research and educational reform: A case study of Sweden 523-580
Bressler, M. and J. S. Berke. Education, social science, and the law: the Rodriguez case and school finance reform.

John B. Carroll (1978). On the theory-practice interface in the measurement of intellectual abilities. pp 1-106 in Patrick Suppes (Ed.). (1978). Impact of Research on Education: Some Case Studies. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Education.

In a popular exposition of the new 'science' of mental testing in 1933, to a radio audience, Cyril Burt [psychological consultant to the London County Council] outlined the conclusions arrived at about the functioning of the human mind. It was a simple, clear, straight-forward statement admitting no doubts, inviting no argument. “By intelligence the psychologist understands inborn, all-round intellectual ability. It is inherited, or at least innate, not due to teaching or training; it is intellectual, not emotional or moral, and remains uninfluenced by industry or zeal; it is general, not specific, i.e., it is not limited to any particular kind of work, nut enters into all we do or say or think. Of all our mental qualities, it is the most far-reaching.” The exposition closed with an affirmation with ominous overtones for the educational system: “Fortunately it can be measured with accuracy and ease.”
Even within the small world of mental testing, or psychometry, there were differences on this question which might have been cited; notably disagreement with the claim that the ad hoc tests, produced to meet urgent administrative needs, measured an innate and unchangeable power of the human mind. ( . . . ) But, once again, so far as the school system was concerned the categoric Burt interpretation was both relevant and requisite, provisos an unnecessary complication. According to this, it was only necessary to take a child's I.Q. or intelligence quotient, when he entered school, allocate him to the relevant stream or differentiated course, and see him through at the given level until he left. This was to plan education in accordance with the child's needs, it was asserted,, since it was known that the I.Q. accurately represented a quota of innate 'intelligence' which would not, indeed could not, change. (pp. 241-242; in a footnote, p. 242, Simon points out that Burt expressed similar views in a broadcast talk in 1950)
From 2.9 The use and misuse of intelligence tests in schools, p. 73. This text is a quote from Brian Simon, 1974, The politics of educational reform, 1920-1940. London: Lawrence & Wishart.
Simon (1974) comments on the regressivenes of this whole period in Great Britain in the following words:

“In sum, throughout the late 1940s and the 1950s, when so much might have been accomplished, the development of secondary education for all was restricted and distorted by the dead hand of a doctrine brought to a point during the depressed 1930s—the doctrine that secondary education is not for all, that only the selected qualify for a complete formof it . . . In the end it was the breakdown of the supportive ideology of 'intelligence' testing, through sheer over-use of tests and exposure of al their relevant weaknesses, an upsurge in the secondary modern schools comparable to erlier outbreaks in the 1890s and 1920s, and growing parental revolt that broke open the closed circle (pp. 331-332)”

This was not to say that 'intelligence' tests were completely eliminated. There are still today, in Britain, secondary schools for which one of the criteria for selection is passing of a verbal reasoning test, along with achievement tests in English and mathematics. On the basis of research in one such school, Richardson (1956) asserted that “an intelligence test seemss to be necessary”, since such a test had significantly higher validity against school grades than any other single test. If one assumes that the test measured someof the generalized developed abilities prerequisite for success in a selective school, its use may have been justified as a practical matter, but it would be wrong to assume that pupils selected by such a test were thereby shown to innately different from pupils failing the test; it could be that the latter had simply not had the early advantages enjoyed by those passing the test.
p. 75
See Carroll's comments on quotes from Putnam and Cronbach below. Carrol's closing statement, at the end of a long concluding statement on the abuses of the idea of 'intelligence':
Even if performances on mental ability testshave at least some genetic determinants, as they probably do, they undoubtedly have substantial environmental determinants. Environmnetal variance is for the most part the only kind of variance thateducators have a right to work with, but educators need to knowthe limits to which, and the conditions under which, this variance can be reduced. If teh technological apparatus of factoranalysis, test theory, and general experimental design can bedirected toward the production ofthis kind of knowledge, and if this knowledge can be expressed and validated in a form that can be used by practitioners—a large order, perhaps, but feasible in principle—then teh devoted efforts that have produced this appratus will eventually have paid off.
p. 94
The problem, looking back after 40 years: where is that research? Have I seen it without noticing its relevance? Let's try Scholar, and look up where and how this chapter by John Carrol has been cited [only 25 times, regrettably, nothing particularly interesting, except noting that Robert Glaser uses this work by John Carroll] and how the thinking of John Carroll himself has evolved in later years.

Samuel Messick (1981). Evidence and ethics in the evaluation of tests. open

Implications of this unified view of test validity as an overall judgment of the adequacy and appropriateness of inferences and actions based on test scores are examined for the measurement of four constructs prevalent in current educational practice - namely, intelligence, competence, mastery, and scholastic ability. Implications are also adumbrated for the responsibilities of test users and for the ethics of test use.

Arthur R. Jensen (1980). Bias in mental testing. London: Methuen. isbn 041683230X pdf

Arthur Jensen (1980). Précis of Bias in Mental Testing. The Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 3, 325-371. pdf
C. L. Brace and others (1980). Multiple review of A. R. Jensen's Bias in mental testing. Behavioral and brain sciences, 3, 325-372. contents [Brace; Breland; Brody & Brody; Cattell; Clarke; Dorfman; Eckberg; Eckland; Economos; Gordon; Green; Harrington; Havender; Hirsch, Beeman, Tully; Humphreys; Kempthorne, Wolins; Kline; Longstreth; Osborne; Rynolds; Rosenthal; Sternberg; Tyler; Vandenberg; Vernon; Vetta; Vogel; Wahlsten; Jensen (author'sresponse)]
Bouchard review researchgate
wiki
Bias in mental testing since Bias in Mental Testing. Brown, Robert T., Reynolds, Cecil R., Whitaker, Jean S. School Psychology Quarterly, Vol 14(3), Fal 1999, 208-238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0089007 abstract
Terzijde. Veel te eng begrip van eerlijke kansen (&rlquo;even slimme’): "De groeiende groep scholen met maar één onderwijsniveau is volgens de Onderwijsinspectie een van de redenen dat kinderen met lageropgeleide ouders minder kansen hebben dan even slimme kinderen met hogeropgeleide ouders." tweet Ik ben net even bezig met scheefheid bij tests en toetsen (bias in mental testing). Ik vermoed dat wel/geen scheefheid door psychologen geankerd is aan &rlquo;even slim’. Als dat zo is, is dat oneerlijk voor al die leerlingen die minder gelegenheid hebben gehad hun IQ te ontwikkelen. Minder gelegenheid om intelligentie te ontwikkelen: in de gezinsomgeving (sociaal-economische status vh gezin), maar natuurlijk ook door onderwijs (ieder jaar onderwijs voegt toe aan intelligentie); dan moet dat onderwijs wel van dezelfde kwaliteit zijn als voor &rlquo;slimme’ lln.

Lee J. Cronbach (1990). Essentials of psychological testing. Harper and Row. isbn 0060414189

See especially Ch. 9 Influences on intellectual development pp 320-369.

This textbook by Cronbach is standard fare in many or most curricula of psychology in the Western world
The hereditary aspect of mental development has little relevance to educational practice and social policy, but misunderstandings about heredity distract attention from matters of greater practical importance.
321

Lee J. Cronbach (1975). Five decades of public controversy over mental testing. American Psychologist, 30, 1-14.

Inquiry is best left unrestricted. But the person publishing or popularizing a study does have responsibility for anticipating what his words will suggest to the rightists and the leftists, the exploiters and the descamisados. He is not irresponsible when his conclusions sway public decisions; he is irresponsible if his careless writing does so. Our greatest difficulty is our innocence. To spotlight one question, pleased that social science can answer it, often casts closely related questions into a deeper shadow. The testers of the 1920s were innocently pleased with their new powers. Tests improved the schools' judgments about academic promise; hence they were socially good, But were they wholly good? Whose children gained by the tests? Was there any risk of undue reliance on the new "scientific" judgments? Do the tests really increase mobility? And what does the very existence of social mobility mean for the health of a democratic society?
Testers as a profession have been accused of being servants of the interests, specifically, of "corporate liberalism" (Cohen & Lazarson, 1972 ['Education and the corporate order']). While it is true that there was a natural affinity between their ideas and a hierarchically organized, differentiated society, testers worked with the social structure, not for it. What distorted their public remarks was chiefly, their conviction that they were right. It was so obviously cruel and inefficient to instruct everyone in the same things at the same pace, and so obvious that systematic measurement was providing better information for teachers, that the testers of the 1920s could conceive of no risk or error save that of failure to take the tests seriously. The spokesmen for tests, then and recently, were convinced that they were improving social efficiency, not making choices about social philosophy. Their soberly interpreted research did place test interpretation on a more substantial basis. But they did not study the consequences of testing for the social structure—a sociological problem that psychologists do not readily perceive.
The social scientist is trained to think that he does not know all the answers. The social scientist is not trained to realize that he does not know all the questions. And that is why his social influence is not unfailingly constructive.
p. 13 in Lee J. Cronbach (1975). Five decades of public controversy over mental testing. American Psychologist, 30, 1-14. doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.30.1.1
Carroll (1978) comments:
Let us be a little more specific. The social scientist has the responsibiity not only to conduct his research according to the most advanced methodological canons and in the light of the most advanced knowledge that has accumulated in his field, but also to view his work in the broadest possible context of psychological and social theory. Factor analysts and test theorists have not always been mindful of this latter responsibility. There has been a tendency among them, for example, tohypostatize ability as something to be taken for granted, and defined merely by the carrying out of certain measurement and statistical operations. They sometimes fail to remind themselves that the concept of ability must be defined in terms of process rather than structure, and that ability is amanifestation or characterization of behavior that must be described and explicated in terms of its antecedents, not only those of a biological character but also those that stem from environmental experiences. While factor analysts and test theorists need not be specialists in psychological theory, they should be thoroughly grounded in it.p. 84

H. Putnam (1973). Reductionism and the nature of psychology. Cognition, 2, 131-146. https://doi.org/10.1016/0010-0277(72)90033-9 preview

Carroll (1978, p. 82-83, see above) quotes a long passage from the section 4. 'Intelligence'.

As an example, let us take a look at the concept of ''intelligence' — a concept in vogue with racist social scientists these days. The concept of intelligence is both an ordinary language concept and a technical concept (under the name 'IQ'). But the technical concept has been shaped at every point to conform to the politically loaded uses of the ordinary language concept.
The three main features of the ordinary language notion of intelligence are (1) intelligence is hard or impossible to change. When one ascribes an excellent or poor performance to high or low skill there is no implication that this was not acquired or could not be changed; but when one ascribes the same performance to 'high intelligence' or 'low intelligence' there is the definite implication of something innate, something belonging to the very essence of the person involved. (2) Intelligence aids one to succeed, where the criterion of 'success' is the criterion of individual success, success in competition. It is built into the notion that only a few people can have a lot of intelligence. (3) Intelligence aids one no matter what the task. Intelligence is thought of as a single ability which may aid one in doing anything from fixing a car or peeling a banana to solving a differential equation.
These three assumptions together amount to a certain social theory: The theory of elitism. The theory says that there are a few 'superior' people who have this one mysterious factor — 'intelligence' - and who are good at everything, and a lot of slobs who are not much good at anything.
The IQ test was constructed to preserve the elitist features of the concept in the following way. (1) The IQ test was standardized so that IQ scores would not change much with age, thus preserving the illusion of a measure of something unchanging. One can do this with any test, as long as relative standings are fairly stable. For example, suppose one takes a test of French vocabulary. One's score would presumably increase as one went through four years of college French. Now, suppose one standardized the scores so that on the average they did not increase (by simply giving less credit per item to people taking the test with one year of college French, still less credit to people with two years, etc.). Then a person with a score of 85 on 'French vocabulary' would, on the average, still score 85 after four full years. Finally, rebaptise the test, and call it a test of 'French ability' ('French intelligence'?) and lo and behold a new social distinction is born! The distinction of having high or low 'French ability'. But one is still, in the real world, just talking about high or low relative standing on plain old vocabulary tests. (2) The IQ test was 'validated' by selecting the items so that they would predict 'success' in college - one of Herrnstein's arguments for identifying IQ with 'intelligence' — is 100% a statistical artifact of this method of validation. (3) The third feature of the ordinary language concept - that IQ is a single factor — was harder to ensure. All of the statistical evidence turned out to be against this hypothesis. In fact, it turns out that over a hundred different factors contribute to one's score on IQ tests. So one just takes an average, weighting the factors so that they predict success in school, and calls the result Intelligence Quotient'. And again, lo and behold! One has people with 'high IQ' and people with 'low IQ', 'gifted people' (a term Herrnstein et al. use interchangeably with 'high IQ') and 'dull people' (a term used interchangeably with 'low IQ'). In short, one recovers the full ordinary language use of the concept — but now with the appearance of 'scientific objectivity'.
141-2
Carroll comments:
Along with the misunderstandings and misinterpretations to bbe found in this excerpt there are points that need serious discussion. ( . . . ) Nevertheless, central issues raised or implied in Putnam's discussion are the following:
1. The question of whether intelligence is a vallid concept, and, if so, whether it corresponds to a 'single ability' that generalizes to all kinds of activities, or to a multiplicity of abilities
2. The possiblegenetic basis of intelligence, and its modifiability
3. The relevance of intelligence to scholastic success.
These have in fact been the predominant issues in the history of criticism of the testing movement.
p. 83

Wouter Schakel and Armen Hakhverdian (2018). Ideological congruence and socio-economic inequality. European Political Science Review, 10, 441-465 temp. open

Lynn Thorndike (1940). Elementary and Secondary Education in the Middle Ages. Speculum, 15, 400-408. https://scihub.wikicn.top/10.2307/2853459 pdf JStor

In this paper I wish to uphold the thesis that in the period of developed mediaeval culture elementary and even secondary education was fairly widespread and general.
Villani tells us in his Chronicle that in Florence in 1283 there were between eight and ten thousand boys and girls learning to read, while six abacus schools (for training in reckoning preparatory to a business career) had between one thousand and twelve hundred attending, and four great or high schools for grammar and logic had from 550 to 600 pupils.
Recently I have been reading the rotograph of an anonymous and, I believe, hitherto unnoticed treatise on education in a Latin manuscript at the Vatican. Its author would have the boy begin the study of grammar at the age of seven in the springtime of the year and continue it as his chief study, with some music and arithmetic on the side, until the end of his fourteenth year, 'when the light of reason begins to shine.' The next septennium until the age of twenty-one would then be occupied with logic, rhetoric and an introduction to astronomy, and the third period of seven years to twenty-eight with natural science, metaphysics and Euclid, after which in subsequent years might come law or theology. In the case of the boys from seven to fourteen our anonymous author is solicitous to protect their tender limbs and susceptibility to cold and heat. He notes that in many northern regions two different classrooms are provided for summer and winter. Those with physical defects or contagious diseases should not be admitted. The complexion of the individual pupil should be carefully considered and one of the sanguine temperament treated in an entirely different fashion from one given to melancholy. Their relative capacity for learning should also be marked early, since some are bright, some even brighter, and some exceedingly bright, while others are dull, others duller yet, and others so stupid that the teacher despairs of them. All, however, should have a recess from study or a play-hour for sports and games, in order to raise their spirits, stir their blood, and recreate their minds.

Jerome Karabel (2005) The chosen. The hidden history of admission and exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Houghton Mifflin Company. isbn 9780618574582 reviewed by Frank Dobbin.

Explicitly unfair admissions (Ivy League) in the US.

William W. Cooley & Paul R. Lohnes (1976). Evaluation Research in Education. Irvington Publishers. isbn 0470013982

A rich book, I must return to it later. Its subject is evaluation on a national scale, and especially its methodological issues (traps and misunderstandings), illustrated by the controversies about, for example, the Coleman Report 1966. Equality is the main theme, in a sense.

Two controversial examples: Jencks et al. Inequality, and Bereiter, Must we educate?. [here much info on 'the Coleman report']
Chapter 8: Evaluation of the National Follow Through Program.

F. Allan Hanson (1993). Testing testing. Social consequences of the examined life. Berkeley: University of California Press. isbn 0520080602 open access

Key publication tweet

See also Borsboom & Wijsen 2017, below. "This book's sociocultural perspective on testing has generated two basic theses. One is that tests do not simply report on preexisting facts but, more important, they actually produce or fabricate the traits and capacities that they supposedly measure. The other is that tests act as techniques for surveillance and control of the individual in a disciplinary technology of power. This concluding chapter extends the analysis and critique of these two properties of tests and offers some suggestions as to what might be done about them."
p. 285

Denny Borsboom & Lisa D. Wijsen (2017) Psychology’s atomic bomb, Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy & Practice, 24:3, 440-446, Dó: 10.1080/0969594X.2017.1333084 pdf

What is the ideology supported by the psychometrics of educational testing, taken at large? It would seem to us that there can be little doubt that educational testing stands in service of the societal doctrine of meritocracy - i.e. the idea that one’s position in society should be selected on the basis of one’s abilities (possibly extended to assessment of character, as in personality testing). Of course, nothing about the concept of meritocracy is self-evident, as is clear from the fact that the great majority of societies that have existed over time scarcely employed. However, this idea is so ingrained in the educational testing literature that it is rarely if ever questioned, and one even gets the impression that much of the literature considers meritocracy intrinsically fair.
That, in our view, is a mistake. Of course, there are professions for which a certain level of functioning would be deemed necessary by all (e.g. one wants a bus driver who can drive a bus), but in current meritocratic societies like our own, the wish to select the 'best' candidates extends to virtually all capacities deemed measurable and relevant for any thinkable profession. In many cases, educational tests as regulated by psychometric theory are not in any way &rlquo;fair’ in their treatment of individuals who have lower levels of cognitive ability: they generally have less access to educational possibilities, as a result will likely be employed in less desirable jobs with a higher liability for health problems, and in spite of that will often have less easy access to health care and lower life expectancies (Gottfredson & Deary, 2004). And, ironically, to compensate for these inconveniences, our societies 'reward' individuals who demonstrate lower cognitive ability as operationalised in psychometric tests by employing them in jobs that, on average, pay them lower salaries (Zagorsky, 2007).
And where do these differences in test scores come from? A recent study into the genetic architecture of CITO-scores, used for placement in the Dutch educational system, suggested that almost 60% of the variance these scores is of genetic origin (Bartels, Rietveld, Van Baal, & Boomsma, 2002). If this is correct, then educational tests serve as instruments in a practice that places individuals at different societal positions based on variance in test scores which largely reflect genetics. Ignoring for the moment whether this is a sensible thing to do or not, our psychometric operationalisation of meritocracy may, in this way, support the gradual formation of an intellectual aristocracy: a division of societal positions according to a stochastic function of genetic resemblance, indirectly measured through educational tests. And it does this by exerting power over individuals through the application of educational tests; a power which, in turn, is legitimised by the mathematical formulae of psychometric theories. That, we think, is the kind of psychometric food for thought that the Foucauldian scholar should digest.
p. 444

A. H. Halsey, A. F. Heath & J. M. Ridge (1980). Origins and destinations. Family, Class, and Education in Modern Britain. Oxford: Clarendon Press. isbn 0198272243

#class #family #pool_of_ability Dated, but probably full of wisdom. The Oxford Social Mobility Project.

Education and political arithmetic 1
State or private primary schools? 16
From primary to secondary school 47
Reproduction of cultural capital? 73 The influence of family and primary schooling on entry to secondary education 90
The experience of secondary schooling 104
Selection and survivalin secondary school 126
The tripartite system assessed 148
Post-secondary education 176
retrospect and prospect 195
We have set ourselves a question in this book which in its most general and deceptively simple form is whether education can change society. We ask it particularly of England and Wales in the twentieth century, having at our disposal summary familial and educational biographies collected from a sample of 10 000 men living in these two countries in 1972. We ask it still more particularly of the period since the Second World War and the Education Act of 1944, having in mind the assessment made in 1949 by Professor Glass and his associates [1954 Social mobility in Britain] at the London School of Economics of the relation between education and social selection in the generation preceding the War and the 'welfare state' legislation which immediately followed it.
p. 1
Quoting Jencks 1972 p. 256: div class='color'>Some schools are dull, depressing, even terrifying places, while others are lively, comfortable, and reassuring. If we think of school life as an end in itself rather than a means to some other end, such differences are enormously important. Elliminating these differences would not do much to make adults more equal, but it would do a great deal to make the quality of children's (and teachers') lives more equal.
p 12, quoting Jencks 1972 p. 256
Let us then recapitulae the questions to which we hope to bring forward relevant empirical results.
1. What have been the class differences in access to education?
2. How far has the British educational system achieved its professed goal of meritocracy?
3. What are the handicaps which prevent individuals attaining educayional success?
4. What are the likely consequences of comprehensive reform for the achievement of goals such as equality of opportunity and equality of results?
5. Is the structure of the educational system important?
6. We found, first, that the school effects remained desite the inclusion of IQ in the model. This means that if we take boys of identical social origins and intelligence, the ones sent to more prestigious secondary schools ended up with substantially longer school careers and substantiall imprproved chances f obtaining O- and A-Levels.
  Next, we showed that the material circumstances of the home (as we had measured them) remained important as determinants of school careers even when we controlled for measured intelligence and type of secondary school, whereas family climate, for all its importance in determining which type of secondary school one went to in the first place, seemed to be of no importance in determining how long, or with what success, one would stay at a secondary school once there. This finding cast grave doublt on the arguments of writers such as Bantock who suggest that cultural reasons lie behind the failure of working-class children to gain ;the best of what is offered them'. In so far as the two can be separated, our findings suggest that class not culture is important here.
  Third, our analysis showed that IQ itself was surprisingly unimportant. Its effects on secondary schooling and school leaving age were quite small compared with those of the other variables in the model. The introduction of IQ into the model did not therefore have the effect of transforming a class-stratified educational system into a meritocracy. This result is sharply at variance with those of other writers, but it follows clearly enough from our use of our data on brothers. We showed that in a meritiocratic sytem brothers would be a great deal less similar than we find them to be in the real world, and that to account for this known similarity between brothers we have to postulate the existence of unmeasured family background factors, factors which prove to do much of the work that we might otherwise have attributed to IQ.
  (..) Not surprisingly, the selection process for secondary schooling was somewhat more meritocratic in the state sector than it was in the educatuional system as a whole. More surprisingly,, however, IQ becomes a less important determinant of school leaving age when we restrict ourselves to the state sector. This suggests that a greater degree of rigidity existed within the state sector. The pupils entered a relatively inflexible institutional structure; once allocated to a grammar or secondary modern school, intelligence had little effect on one's future career. The able working-vclass boys selected for grammar schools indeed had a good chance of doing well (at least as far as O-Level); bt equally able boys (from whatever social class) selected for secondary modern schools had very little chance.
  p. 172
p. 13

OECD (1975). Education, inequality and life chances [2 vols.] [opzoeken]

Herbert H. Hyman, Charles R. Wright and John Shelton Reed (1975). The enduring effects of education. University of Chicago Press. isbn 0226365506

Het bijzondere van dit onderzoek is dat gebruik is gemaakt van nationale steekproeven uit de volwassenenpopulatie. Dat is een idee dat ik ook wel eens heb geopperd, om niet te starten vanaf school en dan in het te volgen cohort veel deelnemers te verliezen, maar vanuit volwassenen en dan terug te vragen. Trouwens: ze vinden positieve resultaten van onderwijs, hoe meer onderwijs, des te meer dat opbrengt. Maar dat was te verwachten, toch?

The present studies have been confined to measures of knowledge and receptivity to further knowledge. Effects in these two spheres are central to assessing the effectiveness of education.
15

Derek Fraser (1973/1984 2nd edition). The evolution of the British welfare state. A history of social policy since the industrial revolution. Macmillan. isbn 0333359992

- Ch 1. The factory question: the factory child; the state steps in; the achievement of a ten-hour day
- Ch. 4 Education and welfare: Elementary education; medical services; law and order
- Ch. 5 Laissez-faire and state intervention in the mid-nineteenth century: social ideas to c. 1870; social theory and state intervention
That there was a social problem of education in the period following the Industrial Revolution was, as in the field of public health, the result of the distribution of wealth in English society. For those who could afford to pay the fees there was an educational provision leding to the universities, but for the mass of society there was a deficiency of educational opportunity. The rich could buy themselves out of the problems of squalor and ignorance, the poor could not and the state played little role in education. There were indeed only three ways of getting a state education, by being a cadet, a felon or a pauper, since the army, prison and workhouse did provide some schooling. For the rest there was the occasional attendance at charity or endowed schools supported by subscription, or dame schools, some of which were no more than child-minding establishments.
Underlying the whole educaion debate, however, was the pyramidal structure of English society. The leisure of the few, the governing classes, depended on the labour and service of the many. Perhaps the poor should remain in ignorance lest they rebel against the way the social system worked.
p. 78
Social deference, knowing one's place, was then a basic virtue to be imparted in any educational provision for the masses, and the Christian religion was a close ally here with its message of humility and acceptance of one's lot in life — the inequity of this world being counterbalanced by the equality in the next. Even more important, the purpose of all education was to teach morality, and morality was based on Christianity: hence some form of religious instruction was central to any basic elementary education.
p. 79

Penelope Weston (Ed.) (1991). Assessment of pupil achievement: motivation and school success. Report of the educational research workshop held in Liège 12-15 september. Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger. isbn 9026511477

A Council of Europe research workshop. It is dated, of course, yet the book may elucidate the measure of sensitivity to fairness problems in education / assessment.

Aletta Grisay (Belgium): Improving assessment at primary schools: 'Aper' research reduces educational failure rates.
By comparing the marks obtained at the end of the year by a sample of 1,500 pupils from the fifth year ofprimary school with marks obtained in a single external test covering the syllabus for the year on the mother tongue [French], we pinpointed some striking discrepancies:
- achievement in French varies widely from one class to another : almost 45% of the differences observed between pupils in the standardises test derive from the fact of attending a particular class. Intakeis only a marginal factor in such variantions between classes: the distinction between a class of 'privileged' and one of 'underprivileged' children accounts for only some 5% of the differences in achievement, most of which seems therefore to be due to differences in teaching quality;
- the examinations set for pupils vary just as widely in difficulty. 'Good' classes are set much more difficult exams than 'poor' classes, with the result that the 'same' mark on the report at the end of the year in two different classes by no means indicates comparable levels of competence in the pupils.
- Obviiously, teachers cannot be blamed for adapting their teaching, and therefore their assessment, methods to the standards of the individual class. Although such adaptation is in itself legitimate, it has adverse indirect effect, which the study has brought to light: it prompts the teacher subconsciously to think his class is more heterogeneous than it actually is. 'Good' pupils generally receive higher marks than they 'deserve' (judging by their achievement in external testing) and 'less able' pupils obtain marks below their 'real' standard.
- This being so, the criteria for deciding whether or not a pupil should move up to the next class are virtually invalid by external standards : achievement in the mothertongue as measured by standardised testing accounts for only 5% of cases ofpupils repeating classes.
103-4
provisional conclusions from the ensuing Aper project:
This research project confirms that we wereright to choose assessment as a gateway to action aimed at reducing failure rates. ( .. . . )
Beyoyond the direct effects of reducing the failure rates recorded right from the first year of the action and confirmed in the middlle grade ( . . . ) the research actions seems to us to have produced a firm grasp of a number of the mechanisms which generate educational difficulties.
As we have seen, equipping a teacher to improve his assessment methods also helps him taylor his curriculum to the standard of his pupils, preventing an unnecessary build-up of content in order to leave adequate space for basic learning processes. The teacher can thus better fulfill his real responsability: providing all his pupils — including the underachievers — with the stock of knowledge they need in order to progress up the rungs of the educational ladder.
p. 117

John B. Carroll (1993). Human cognitive abilities. Cambridge UP. [UB Leiden PSYCHO C6.1.-102 geleend ] [Zie ook Spearrit 1996] info

'Mathematical ability ( . . . ) must be regarded as an inexact, unanalyzed popular concept that has no scientific meaning unless it is referred to the structure of abilities that comprise it. It cannot be expected to constitute a higher-level ability.
Similar statements could be made about other everyday concepts like 'musical ability', 'problem-solving ability', and the like.
For that matter, a similar conclusion can be reached regarding the concept of 'intelligence', which is also an inexact, unanalyzed popular concept that has no scientific status unless it is restated to refer to the abilities that compose it, as described in the present volume. ( . . . ) The long-discussed problem of defining intelligence is transformed into one of defining the various factorial constructs that underlie it and specifying their structure.
p. 627 in John B. Carroll (1993). Human cognitive abilities. Cambridge University Press.
tweeted the above
There has been a veritable deluge of books, articles, and media presentations protesting, in one way or another, the alleged myth of the IQ and its measurability and possible genetic basis, or the lack of validity of scholastic aptitude tests (see, for example, Kamin, 1974; Block & Dworkin, 1976; Houts, 1977; CBS, 1975; Nairn, 1980; Gould, 1981; Crouse & Trusheim (1988); Mensh & Mensh, 1991). It cannot be said tat these representations are all bad or totally misinformed. They have raised important issues and in some cases have led to useful improvements in tests and their uses. Nevertheless, to the extent that they areisinformed or draw incorrect conclusions, it is necessary to issue corrective information. For example, a frequent statement found in these presentations is to te effect that 'we do not know what intelligence is' or that 'there is no theory of intelligence'. The thesis ofthe present volume is that we know a great deal about intelligence and its component abilities, and that it is possible to state an acceptable theory of intelligence (such as the three-stratum theory offered here)
706-707
A basic claim of the three-stratum theory of cognitive abilities, supported by much scientific evidence, is that there exists a substantial number of different intellectual an=bilities, all showing characteristics such as what has just been described. ( . . . ) Describing and defining any given ability involves describing the kinds of tasks, of different diffcultis, that give rise to the ability, or that allow the ability to express itself when individuas or groups of individuals are asked to perform those tasks. A further claim of the theory is that abilities differ in generality or specificity. Abilities are classified at three levels of generality—general, broad, and narrow. The evidence suggests that there is only one general ability, an ability that applies in varying degrees to all cognitive, intellectual tasks. There are about ten broad abilities that aply to different domains of cognitive tasks. Finally, there are numerous narrow abilities that apply to fairly specific kinds of cognitive tasks or performances, usually reflecting the effects of specialized learning or training.
712-713

Donald Spearrit (1996). Carroll's model of cognitive abilities: Educational implications. International Journal of Educational Research, 25, number 2, 107-198. info

The merits and demerits of ability grouping have been debated since the 1920s. Reviews of ability grouping studies have tended to conclude that, comared with ungrouped situations, students in high-ability groups show increased scholastich achievement, while students in lower ability groups gain less than expected (Findley & Bryan, 1971; Kerckhoff, 1986), nut other reviewers reject this conclusion (.g., Slavin, 1990). Among the major criticisms of the practice are the lower self-esteem it engenders in low-ability students, its tendencies to exacerbate inequalities in theoutcomes of educatin and its 'long-lasting consequences' (Slavi & Braddock, 1993).
190

Jeannie Oakes (2005 2nd ed.). Keeping track. How schools structure inequality. Yale University Press. isbn 0300108303 (new preface, extra chapters discussing the 'tracking wars' of the last 20 years) info

Selected by the American School Board Journal as a 'Must Read' book when it was first published and named one of 60 'Books of the Century' by the University of South Carolina Museum of Education for its influence on American education, this provocative, carefully documented work shows how tracking—the system of grouping students for instruction on the basis of ability—reflects the class and racial inequalities of American society and helps to perpetuate them. For this new edition, Jeannie Oakes has added a new Preface and a new final chapter in which she discusses the 'tracking wars' of the last twenty years, wars in which Keeping Track has played a central role.
Yale UP page

John B. Carroll (2005). The Three-Stratum Theory of Cognitive Abilities. In D. P. Flanagan & P. L. Harrison (Eds.), Contemporary Intellectual Assessment: Theories, Tests, and Issues (pp. 69-76). New York, NY, US: Guilford Press. [UB Leiden PSYCHO P4.1.2.-91 ]

Samuel Bowles, Herbert Gintis, Melissa Osborne Groves (Eds.) (2005). Unequal chances. Family background and economic success. Princeton UP. contents and abstracts - reviewed info & Introduction pdf

Greg Duncan and others: The apple doesnot fall far from the tree 23-79 manuscript This chapter is very rich on data.
In total our two datasets measure seventeen outcomes in seven domains: (1) cognitive skills (..); (2) psychological well-being (..); (3) 'outwardly directed' negative behaviors such fighting; (4) 'inwardly directed' negative behaviors such as taking drugs; (5) getting caught by authorities, measured by such events as school suspensions and arrests; (6) social activities such as church attendance; and (7) gender role attitudes.
(..) In general, we find much more evidence of a specific than ogeneral transmission process. Neither socioeconomic status nor parenting behaviors appear very important to the intergenerational transmission process. Our results are more consistent with genetic explanations for some traits and behaviors, and with role-model/identity formation explanations for some traits and behaviors, although our tests for these mechanisms are decidedly indirect.
p. 25-26

Above all, as with Case and Katz (1991 [unpublished]), we find striking evidence that 'like begets like' across generations. Many more specific than general competencies appear to be passed down from one generation to the next. This is perhaps unfortunatefrom apolicy perspective, since necessarily blunt policy instruments are bettersuited for addressing general than specific competencies.
p. 71
Bhashkar Mazumder [the text of this chapter is not available online, other related and more recent publications are] : The apple falls even closer to the tree than we thought: New and reviewed estimates of the intergenerational inheritance of earnings. 80-99
Christopher Jencks and others: The changing effect of family background on the incomes of American adults. 100-144 report version - executive summary See working papers on the subject here
Anders Björklund and others: Influence of nature and nurture on earnings variations 145-164 researchgate.net
Although our results point to a significant role for genetic variation, perhaps the most striking finding is the most obvious one—about the importance of non-shared environment. The largest sibling correlation in earnings that we estimate is a 0.36 correlation for mono-zygotic twin brothers. Even though these brothers have identical genes and, according to our preferred model, experience even more similar environmenrts than other sibling pairs do, an estimated 64 percent of their earningsvariation is explained by neither genetic nor environmental resemblance. In other words, much and perhaps most of earnings variantion in Sweden stems from environmental factors that are not shared even by monozygotic twins.
p. 163-4
John C. Loehlin: Resemblance in personality and attitudes between parents and their chidren. 192-207 get .doc file: Resemblance in Personality and Attitudes Between ... - Santa Fe Institute tuvalu.santafe.edu/files/gems/.../loehlin(9.27.01).doc
Melissa Osborne Groves: Personality and the intergenerational transmission of economic status. 208-231 preview and Dó
Chapter Nine: Justice, Luck, and the Family: The Intergenerational Transmission of Economic Advantage From a Normative Perspective (pp. 256-276), by Adam Swift. Seems not to be available online. Request via researchgate.net. Skimming the chapter: I do not like its emphasis on equal opportunity for those equally endowed.
Many will read the data provided in this and succeeding chapters and conclude, with us, that children from the least well-off families do not have a fair chance at attaining the level of economic security most other families manage to attain. This book not only analyzes the extent of economic mobility. It equally seeks to uncover the factors accounting for the success of some families' (and the failure of others') attempts to ensure their children an auspicious economic future. Much of what we have learned through this research makes us optimistic concerning the power of social policy to enhance equality of opportunity. For instance, we find that little intergenerational inequality is due to parents passing superior IQ on to their children, and much is due to parents passing their material wealth to their children, at least for those at the top of the income distribution. On the other hand, we find that children may well inherit genetically based behavioral characteristics that strongly affect their labor market success, though the extent of this aspect of the intergenerational transmission process cannot be estimated with much precision, and we are just beginning to find out what those characteristics are.
p. 1

Christian Albrekt Larsen (2013). The rise and fall of social cohesion. Oxford UP. [UB Leiden Sociol N11-177] info

Social constructivism, regrettably.

Demonstrating the importance of public perceptions about living in a meritocratic middle class society, the book argues that trust declined because the Americans and British came to believe that most other citizens belong to an untrustworthy, undeserving, and even dangerous 'bottom' of society rather than to the trustworthy middle classes. In contrast, trust increased amongst Swedes and Danes as they believed that most citizens belong to the 'middle' of society rather than to the 'bottom'. Furthermore, the Swedes and Danes came to view the (perceived) narrow 'bottom' of their society as trustworthy, deserving, and peaceful. The book argues that social cohesion is primarily a cognitive phenomenon, in contrast to previous research, which has emphasized the presence of shared moral norms, fair institutions, networks, engagement in civil society etc.

The book is based on unique empirical data material, where American survey items have been replicated in the British Social Attitude survey and the Danish and Swedish ISSP surveys (exclusively for this book). It also includes a unique cross-national study of media content covering a five year period in UK, Sweden, and Denmark. It demonstrates how 'the bottom' and 'the middle' is differently constructed across countries.
Press PR

Will Atkinson (2010). Class, individualization and late modernity. In search of the reflexive worker. Palgrave Macmillan. [Sociol N11-173] info

This book puts to the test the prominent claim that social class has declined in importance in an era of affluence, choice and the waning of tradition. Arguing against this view, this study vividly uncovers the multiple ways in which class stubbornly persists.
Press PR

The politics of social psychology. Crawford, Jarret T. editor.; Jussim, Lee J. editor. NewYork : Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2018 [UB Leiden PSYCHO G1.0.-149 nog lenen] info/contents

G. M. Wilson and Kremer J. Hoke (1920). How to measure. New York: The Macmillan Company. [two fold-out grading scales (spelling, drawing)] full view

Test optimism in 1920, see its preface.

Sjerp Willem van der Ploeg (1992). The expansion of secondary and tertiary education in the Netherlands. Proefschrift. Nijmegen: ITS. isbn 9063708947 open access

Ross D. Boylan (1993). The effect of the number of diplomas on their value. Sociology of Education, 66, 206-221 preview

Jonathan J. B. Mijs & Bowen Paulle (forthcoming 2018). The Burden of Acting Wise: Sanctioned School Success and Ambivalence. about Hard Work at an Elite School in the Netherlands. Intercultural Education, 27. prepubication

Robert C. Nichols (1979). Policy implications of the IQ controversy. pp 3-46 in Lee S. Shulman (Ed.) (1979). Review of research in education volume 6 1978. Itasca, Illinois: F.E. Peacock Publishers. isbn 0875812392 preview

Use for references only, after all it is a review of eductional research touching on the theme.

Susanne Rijken (1999). Educational expansion and status attainment. A cross-national and over-time comparison. proefschrift Universiteit Utrecht. isbn 903931800x, 244 blz.-->

Susanne Rijken & Harry B. G. Ganzeboom (2000). The effect of social origin on educational opportunity - a forty-two country comparison (1900-1970). Paper last presented at the European Consortium for Sociological Research, Giens (near Toulon, France), September 15 2000. This paper is an expanded version on Chapter 3 of Rijken, Susanne. "Educational Expansion and Status Attainment. A Cross-National and Over- time Comparison." Utrecht University [doctoral dissertation, defended March 5 1998]. pdf

Herman G. Van de Werfhorst and Jonathan J.B. Mijs (2010). Achievement Inequality and the Institutional Structure of Educational Systems: A Comparative Perspective. Annu. Rev. Sociol., 36, 407-428. pdf

Key publication for the sociological touch.

Noelle Bisseret (1979). Education, class language and ideology. Routledge & Kegan Paul. isbn 0710001185

Bisseret is psychologist, has been a student of Basil Bernstein. Intriguing content, deserves some study.

Roger Price (1987). A social history of nineteenth century France. Hutchinson. isbn 0091732018

Quite interesting Chapter 8 'Education' pp 307-356

L. S. Hearnshaw (1964). A short history of British psychology 1840 - 1940. Methuen.

Ch IV Galton and the beginning of psychometrics
When Galton in the 1860's turned his attention to the inheritance of psychological characters in man the idea of the hereditary transmission of limited human powers was unfamiliar. ( . . . ) The words 'hereditary' and 'inheritance' were of legal origin, and had only comparatively recently been introduced into biology. Certainly no one before Galton had carried out any systematic enquiry into the inheritance of ability in man. ( . . . )

At the time these studies of Galton were carried ou there was no scientific understanding of the mechanism of inheritance. Mendel's papers published in 1866 and 1869 in an obscure local journal in Austria remained unknown in the scientific world until 1900. In 1868 Darwin propounded a theory of 'pangenesis' to account for hereditary transmission which now seems wholly fanciful. ( . . . )
. In Hereditary Genius he asserted that it is 'most essential to the well-being of future generations that the average standard of ability of the present time should be raised'. With prophetic insight he foresaw that an increasingly complex technical civilization would make heavier and heavier demands on the limited pool of native talent. He believed this pool could and must be increased by positive measure. He named these meaures 'eugenic'; and defined eugenics as 'the study of agencies under social control which may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations either physically or mentally'.
p. 63

Ed Yong (July 23, 2018). An Enormous Study of the Genes Related to Staying in School. Researchers have found 1,271 gene variants associated with years of formal education. That’s important, but not for the obvious reasons. The Atlantic Science article

I have yet to follow up on this. Others have done so already:

Kathryn Paige Harden (July 24, 2018). Why Progressives Should Embrace the Genetics of Education. The New York Times Opinion opinion For a reasonable critique, see Steve Pittelly here
Steven Pinker enthused tweet
Ben Williamson (July, 2018) Genetics, big data science, and postgenomic education research. blog
by K. Paige Harden and Daniel W. Belsky: Predicting education from DNA? July 27, 2018 / 2 Comments (Petilli, Belsky)blog

Wim Köhler (23 juli 2018). Heel veel genen voor schoolsucces gevonden nrc

In 2013 vonden ze de eerste drie plaatsen op het DNA die invloed hebben, bij onderzoek onder ruim 100.000 mensen. Dat was het eerste onderzoek, gepubliceerd in Science, waarbij met betrouwbare methoden sociale kenmerken aan erfelijke eigenschappen werden gekoppeld. In 2016 volgde de vondst van 76 DNA-locaties uit de analyse van de erfelijke informatie van 400.000 mensen. Nu is er de uitbreiding naar 1,1 miljoen mensen.

Onderzoeker Philipp Koellinger, betrokken bij alle drie de scholingsduuronderzoeken, nu verbonden aan de Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam, zei al in 2013 in NRC Handelsblad over die eerste publicatie van drie genen: „Er zijn geen allesbepalende genen. Genetische selectie, bijvoorbeeld voor een schoolopleiding, kan dus in werkelijkheid niet."

Emma Smith & Stephen Gorard (2006). Pupils' views on equity in schools Compare:A Journal of Comparative and International Education. 36, issue 1. abstract

Overall, the UK students reported favouring an egalitarian system where all students were treated in the same way, and this was largely what they felt that they experienced. In this respect, they differed from their peers in the other EU countries, a substantial proportion of whom thought that the least able should receive more support and attention in class, but who found that more attention was actually given to the more able.
from the abstract

Ben Williamson (July, 2018) Genetics, big data science, and postgenomic education research. blog

Ben Wilbrink (July 27, 2018) The idea of intelligence and the idea of heritability of intelligence are ghosts from the change of the century, the 19th century that is ;-) Education took over their appearances; now we tend to believe the ghosts' story because the data seem to prove it. ‪#selffulfillingproph‬ tweet

Mainstream Science on Intelligence WikipediA

VULNERABLE LEARNERS & SOCIAL MOBILITY REPORT. 25th July 2018. Education in England: Annual Report 2018 info

Renee Ryberg, Shawn Bauldry, Michael A. Schultz, Annekatrin Steinhoff & Michael Shanahan (2017). Personality and the Intergenerational Transmission of Educational Attainment: Evidence from Germany Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 46, 2181-2193 abstract

Wiebke Schulz, Reinhard Schunck, Martin Diewald & Wendy Johnson (2017). Pathways of Intergenerational Transmission of Advantages during Adolescence: Social Background, Cognitive Ability, and Educational Attainment. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 46, 2194-2214 abstract

David Bornstein (April 18, 2011). A Better Way to Teach Math. Is it possible to eliminate the bell curve in math class? article

John Mighton & Jump Math

Richard Hofstadter (1944). Social Darwinism in American thought 1860-1915. Beacon. [UB Leiden SOCIOL E2-64]

Thomas C. Leonard (2009). Origins of the myth of social Darwinism: The ambiguous legacy of Richard Hofstadter's Social Darwinism in American Thought Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, 71, 37-51 Dó: 10.1016/j.jebo.2007.11.004
Clement Levallois (4 June 2009). Is social Darwinism a myth? blog.
Donald C. Bellomy (1984). 'Social Darwinism' revisited. Perspectives in American History, 1, 1-129. (not online?)
Richard Weikart (1995). A Recently Discovered Darwin Letter on Social Darwinism. Isis, 86, 609-611 pdf
The unions are also opposed to piece-work,—in short to all competition. I fear that Cooperative Societies, which many look at as the main hope for the future, likewise exclude competition. This seems to me a great evil for the future progress of mankind. — Nevertheless under any system, temperate and frugal workmen will have an ad- vantage and leave more offspring than the drunken and reckless.
Darwin, July 26, 1872, answering Heinrich Fick

R. J. Montgomery (1965). Examinations, An account of their evolution as administrative devices in England. London: Longmans Green.

#meritocracy

Government posts were specifically earmarked for those who were 'high in honours at a university', or who had passed similar competitive examinations. This had a cumulative effect, for graduates tended to perpetuate the type of examination system in which they had been successful. It was this cumulative effect, the result of giving first honour, and then public responsibility, to the ablest and best educated, which did so much to broaden the examinations.
It was, perhaps, only natural to achieve reform at the universities by introducing competitive examinations for honours courses. Men such as Thomas Acland and Frederick Temple, who had succeeded in these, were the very ones who introduced the Oxford University Local Examinations in an attempt to raise secondary school standards. Reforms in the Civil Service were pressed by those, such as Lowe, Macaulay and Gladstone who realized, from their own experiences at the universities, the great power of competitive examinations in stimulating effort. The elementary education system came under the influence of men like Temple and Lingen while the Revised Code of 1861 was to bring the influence of the Oxford and Cambridge graduates to bear upon examinations for the masses. Oxford and Cambridge were islands of culture in a sea of ignorance. Their influence spread far beyond their shores, for the graduates acted as colonists, or even missionaries, frequentky using examinations to achieve their ends.
p. 243 in R. J. Montgomery (1965). Examinations, An account of their evolution as administrative devices in England. Longmans Green.
Especially Chapter nine: Some reflections on the history of examinations. 242-270:
1. Examinations as instruments for a purpose
2. From expediency to principle
3. The shape of society
4. Some disadvantages
5. Other methods of examination
6. Who controls the system?
7. The right means of control

John Roach (1971). Public Examinations in England 1850-1900. Cambridge UP. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309 [University Library Leiden Closed Stack 3 1923 E 36] info

PART I - THE COMPETITIVE PRINCIPLE ESTABLISHED pp 1-2
1. Patronage and competition pp 3-34 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.003
2. Middle-class education pp 35-55 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.004
3. Examinations and schools - to 1857 pp 56-74 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.005
  PART II - THE OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE LOCALS AND NATIONAL EDUCATION, 1857-1900 pp 75-76
4. Beginnings, 1857-1860 pp 77-102 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.006
5. The education of women pp 103-135 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.007
6. Secondary schools and their studies pp 136-163 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.008
7. The examiners and the examined pp 164-188 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.009
  PART III - THE PUBLIC CONTEXT, 1855-1900 pp 189-190
8. The Civil Service Examinations: to 1870 pp 191-209 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.010
9. The Civil Service Examinations: after 1870 pp 210-228 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.011
10. School Examinations - from Taunton to Bryce pp 229-256 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.012
11. Critics and criticisms pp 257-286 https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511896309.013

Mary Sturt (1967). The education of the people. A history of primary education in England and Wales in the nineteenth century. Routledge and Kegan Paul. isbn 0710021615 info

#key publication. #edhistory Nice book, many quotes

This study traces the development of the idea that education is the right of every child, however poor, from the beginning of the 19th century, to the Education Act of 1902. At the beginning of the period the Poor were regarded as a burden on the well-to-do, only to be tolerated for their indispensable labour, and to be kept ignorant lest they 'presumed'. At the end, education had been accepted as one of the essential social services.
The material, much of which is original, ranges from the Reports of Government Commissions to the log books of the village schoolmaster. The debates in parliament and the periodicals of the day have been used to show the movement of opinion. The reports of the Inspectors illustrate the actual state of the schools and the hopes which the early enthousiasts held. The English schools are not considered in isolation, but are shown against developments in Europe and Ireland. The early history of the training colleges is also dealt with.
The importance of subordination 1 "Theory and social feeling were united in the belief that 'the Poor' should remain in the condition in which God had placed them, and that the stratification of society could not be disturbed without impiety and political danger. (..) The feeling was the stronger because, in the conditions of the times, the Poor must often have appeared as a different type of human being. (..) The powers of the magistrate and the demands of the farmers gave little chance of physical health or moral dignity."
The humanitarians 16
The challenge of pauperism
The beginnings of state control 62
First acts of the Committee of Council 94
The early schools 117
The early training colleges 131
The progress of the schools 159
The minutes of 1846 177
Results of the Minutes of 1848 189
Schools and training colleges in the 1850s 204
The Newcastle Commission 238
The effects of the Revised Code 260
The Act of 1870 296
The work of the School Boards 313
From the 1870 Act to the Cross Commission 343
The Cross Commission 373
SSecondary education 383
The defeat of the School Boards 404
List of official publications 420

Elliot Eisner (Ed.) (1985). Learning and Teaching. The Ways of Knowing. 84th yearbook NSSE. issn 00775762 Interessante bundel, over kennis.

Herbert M. Kliebard: What happened to American schooling in the first part of the twentieth century? 1-22 paywalled
Robert J. Sternberg & David R. Caruse: Practical ways of knowing 133-158
Michael Cole: Mind as a cultural achievement: implications for IQ testing. 218-249 #key [A shorter version, paper delivered in 1980, is available online as pdf]

Joseph F. Kett (1994). The Pursuit of Knowledge under Difficulties. From Self-Improvement to Adult Education in America, 1750-1990. Stanford University Press. isbn 0804722978 info

#adulteducation #volksonderwijs

Merle Curti (1959). The Social Ideas Of American Educators With New Chapter On The Last Twenty Five Years Pageant Books. archive.org

Edward L. Thorndike (1940). Human nature and the social order. The Macmillan Company. #eugenics

By selective breeding supported by a suitable environment we can have a world in which all men will equal the top ten percent pof present men. One sure service of of the able an good is to beget and rear offspring. One sure service (about the only one) which the inferior and vicious can perform is to prevent their genes from survival. [p. 957][as cited in Karier, p. 175]

Clarence J. Karier (1967/1986). The individual, society, and education. A history of American educational ideas. University of Illinois Press. isbn 0252013093 info

Thorndike: 116, 137, 150-1, 165, 170-6, 182, 201-2, 294
"Thorndike's connectionist view of human learning accounts for his persistent attitude that intelligence must not be viewed as general but as specific kinds of behavior. The quantitative speed of making these connections he attributed to heredity." [note 85, p. 173]
(..) Thorndike evolved a theory of reinforcement which Watson and Skinner later developed more fully. However, Thorndike radically disagreed with Watson as to the origin of differences among individuals. While Watson attributed the differences to environment, Thorndike attributed them to heredity. "Thorndike early concluded that heredity is the major reason for human variation in intellect and character, that no other factor is more significant than innate and inherited inequalities in the capacity to learn." [this quote: Geraldine M. Joncich, Ed., Psychology and the science of eduction: Selected writings of Edward L. Thorndike. Classics in Education, no. 8 (Teachers College, Columbia University, 1962) p. 21]The differences between Watson and Thorndike on this key aspect of human nature led the one psychologist to advocate social radicalism and the other to advocate social conservatism more compatible with the values of an emerging middle-class America. (..) he [Thorndike] was no laissez-faire advocate but insisted that the "original nature has achieved what goodness the world knows as a state achieves order, by killing, confining or reforming some of its elements." [EducationalPsychology, 1921 Vol. I The original nature of man, p. 281] Even though there were innate differences in learning capacity, the function of the school was to take each child as he was and train each to the limits of his capacity. [p. 173]
Progressdepended not on the extension of culture to the masses but rather on the education of the gifted elite. Repeatedly, he argued against the upward extension of the compulsory education law on the grounds that such attempts at further education of the mentally unfit were doomed to failure. Thorndike's emphasis on individual differences and objective classification of students led to the logical conclusion of segregating, for educational purposes, the superior intellects, whom he believed to be of superior moral character and good will as well. [p. 174]
"Because 'mental and moral inheritance from near ancestry is a fact, [Thorndike: Individuality, 1911, p. 40] Thorndike was also sure that 'racial differences in original nature are not mere myths.' [Individuality, p. 36] "
"His positive correlations of wealth, morality, intelligence, and social power could ruffle no one on the upper end of the power structure. Nor, indeed, would a well-washed, growing, middle-class America be upset to find that science had substantiated the fact that 'the abler persons in the world in the long run are the more clean, decent, just and kind'. The conservative social values of Thorndike were fundamentally compatible with a business-minded, conservative, middle-class America. It is interesting that it took Horace Mann, a conservative Whig politician, to establish the common school in the first half of the nineteenth century, William T. Harris, a conservative Hegelian philosopher, to organize American secondary education in the second half of the century, and Edward L. Thorndike, a conservative psychologist, to standardize education in the twentieth century." [p. 176]

Thomas Pole (1814, 1816/1969 reprint). A history of the origin and progress of adult schools. Woburn Books/Kelley. archive.org

#volksonderwijs

Education, the perusal of the sacred Scriptures and other religious books, have a tendency to moralize and christianize the minds of men. Instead of idleness, profaneness, and vice - they inculcate, diligence, sobriety, frugality, piety, and heavenly mindedness.

Ameneh Shahaeian, Cen Wang, Elliot Tucker-Drob, Vincent Geiger, Adriana G. Bus & Linda J. Harrison (2018). Early Shared Reading, Socioeconomic Status, and Children’s Cognitive and School Competencies: Six Years of Longitudinal Evidence. Scientific Studies of Reading, 22, 485-502. free

Schooling itself left out of the models!

John Raven (2000). The Raven's Progressive Matrices: Change and Stability over Culture and Time. Cognitive Psychology 41, 1-48. pdf

Rod Hick and Tania Burchardt (2016). Capability Deprivation. In David Brady and Linda M. Burton (Eds.) The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty Oxford UP. open

#key publication (key: the capability approch of Amertya Sen (& Martha Nussbum, Ingrid Robeyns e.g.)

Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (1982). Handbook of human intelligence. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521296870 [This is the first and by now very old edition, quite interesting chapters though! New edition: 2000 [UB Leiden PSYCHO P4.2.1.-47 ] info & contents and abstracts and doi]

Robert J. Sternberg & Wlliam Salter: Conceptions of intelligence 1-28
John B. Carroll: The measurement of intelligence 29-121
(..) the inertia within the profession itself that resulted from complacency about the sufficiency of available methodologies and testing procedures and disquiet about misuses of these procedures made serious inroads on the ability of the testing profession to move forward. Large sectors of the profession were enmeshed in outmoded or at least debatable concepts of human behavior, particularly the assumption that mental abilities are relatively immutable even with extensive and prolonged experience or intervention and, furthermore, that they have almost overpowering genetic determinants.
p. 108, John Carroll, in Robert J. Sternberg (1982) Handbook of human intelligence Cambridge UP.
tweeted
Lynn A. Cooper & Dennis T. Regan: Attention, perception, and intelligence 123-169
William K. Estes: Learning, memory, and intelligence 170-224
Robert J. Sternberg: Reasoning, problem solving, and intelligence 225-307
Jonathan Baron: Personality and intelligence 308-351
Natalie Dehn & Roger Schank: Artificial and human intelligence 352-391
Joseph C. Campione, Ann L. Brown Roberta A. Ferrara: Ment al retardation and intelligence 392-491
Richard Snow & Elanna Yalow: Education and intelligence 493-585 [not online; however, try books.google for at least a number of pages of this chapter]
The concepts of intelligence and education are so often discussed and studied independently, that they are conventionally assumed to be distinct, just as 'nature' and 'nurture' are considered distinct. Still, one can entertain the notion that intelligence and education cannot radically exist independently — that the referents of these terms are not separable strands intertwined in human mental life but rather are fundamentally confounded. In other words, human intelligence is fundamentally a product of education, and education is fundamentally a product of the exercise of human intelligence. The present chapter entertains this possibility.
opening sentences of Richard Snow & Elanna Yalow: Education and intelligence, Ch. 9 pp 493-585 in Robert J. Sternberg (1982) Handbook of human intelligence Cambridge UP. [not online; however, try books.google for at least a number of pages of this chapter]
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- 9.1 THE GOALS OF EDUCATION AND OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH - EDUCATIONAL GOALS 493 - RESEARCH GOALS 496 - 9.2 INTELLIGENCE IN EDUCATION THROUGH HISTORY 497 - HISTORICAL MILESTONES 497 - Intelligence in educational philosophies 497 - Scientific beginnings 503 - mental testing in the schools 504 - The influence of factor analysis 505 - Curriculum reform in the 1960s 506 - Evaluation in the 1970s 5-7 - MODERN THEMES 510 - Individualization of instruction 510 - Learning by discovery 511 - Modern cognitive psychology 512 - CONTINUING ISSUES AND A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 513 - INTELLIGENCE AND LEARNING AS EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTS 513 - Intelligence as learning ability 515 - Learning as intellectualorganization 518 - A summary hypothesis 520 - CLASSIFICATION OF TESTS, TASKS, AND TREATMENTS 520 - 9.4 CURRETNT EVIDENCE AND CURRENT RESEARCH 523 - CORRELATIONAL RESEARCH ON INTELLIGENCE IN EDUCATION 524 - Correlations with amount of education 524 - Correlations with educational achievement 525 - INTELLIGENCE AS APTITUDE FOR EDUCATIONAL TREATMENTS 527 - Intelligence x Treatment onteractions 529 - Summary and implications 534 - INTELLIGENCE AS OUTCOME OF EDUCATIONAL TREATMENTS 534 - Educational programs for the development of intelligence 534 - Selected experiments on direct training 538 - Teacher expectations 547 - Summary and implications 547 - PROCESS-ANALYTIC RESEARCH 549 - Analyses of aptitude tasks 549 - Analyses of instructional tasks for learning and transfer outcomes 552 - Observations of intelligent behavior in learning activities 555 - 9.5 SUMMARY AND SPECULATIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE 559 - Intelligence as learning from suboptimal instruction 560 - Aptitudinal transfer 560 - Aptitude development 560 - Aptitude x Aptitude interaction 560 - Aptitude x Instructional Treatment interaction 561 - Aptitude-training treatments 561 - Educational effects in context 561 - ADMONITIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 561 - Lenght of treatments 562 - Choice of tests 562 - Multitrait-multimethod measurement 562 - Complexity of performance 562 - Content and process diagnosis 562 - The lure of reductionism 563 - Educational utility 563 - The nature of research in education 563 - SPECULATIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE 564 aptitude development and decline 564 Accountability and minimum competency testing 566 - Research on intelligence and education 567 - The new technologies 568Beyond tested intelligence 570
Edward Zigler & Victoria Seitz: Social policy and intelligence 586-641 Some interesting sections:
- Genetic counseling and prenatal diagnosis 590 - ORGANIC VERSUS FAMILIAL RETARDATION 594 - THE SOCIAL COMPETENCY ALTERNATIVE 597 - The IQ solution 597 - Disadvantages of using IQ 598 - What the IQ test measures 600 - Defining social competence 561 - Raising social competence 608 -- DEVELOPMENTAL CONTINUITY 609 - HETEROGENéTY 610 - MODERATE POSITIONS 612 - Reaction range for intelligence 614 - FAMILY SUPPORT SYSTEMS 616 - Nutrtional programs 617 Health care 618 - Educational intervention 618 - The meaning of fade-out 620 - Later intervention 623 - Milwaukee Project 623 Abecedarian Project 624 - Yale Project 626 - Income maintenance 629 - Child and Family Resource Programs 630n -
NN: Culture and intelligence 642-721
Harry J. Jerison: The evolution of biological intelligence 723-791
Sandra Scarr & Louise Carter-Saltzman: Genetics and intelligence 792--896 key publication
Robert S. Siegler & D. Dean Richards: The development of intelligence 879-974
Sternberg & Powell: Metatheory of intelligence 975-1005

Loehlin, J. C. (2000). Group Differences in Intelligence. Handbook of Intelligence, 176-194. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511807947.010 url to share this paper: sci-hub.mu/10.1017/CBO9780511807947.010

Judith Blake (1989). Family size and achievement. University of California Press. isbn 0520062965 free online

( . . . ) contrary to any romantic notions that may be entertained about life in large families, the outcome measures we have used do not recommend family groups of this size as childrearing units.
p. 6
Objections can, of course, be raised to the dilution hypothesis and, indeed, to the whole idea that differential sibsize has genuine effects on child and adult outcomes. With regard to the dilution of parental time, attention, and interaction, it can be argued that siblings provide not only distraction but compensation. We shall bring some evidence to bear on this issue in chapter 5 when we discuss Zajonc's (1976) hypothesis of a "teaching deficit" among last-born children. In general, however, we would argue that the notion that older siblings typically, and on average, function in loco parentis assumes too much about sibling goodwill and maturity. Moreover, even if older siblings are helpful to younger ones, we must remember that youngsters are not adults and are seldom, if ever, the emotional and intellectual equivalent of parents (Feagans and Farran 1982).
p. 12
More serious are objections to assigning any causal importance to findings concerning sibsize effects on the ground that such effects are spurious. This argument takes a number of forms. One is the claim that even after controlling for parental education, socioeconomic status, rural-urban background, and family intactness, one is simply measuring the effects of additional parental characteristics that have been omitted in the model (Lindert 1978). Principal among these are parental IQ, parental personality characteristics, and parental perceptions of desirable qualities in children ("child quality") that lead couples to have small or large families. With regard to IQ, parents of few children are said to be genotypically more "intelligent" than parents of many children (due to self-selection) and IQ is believed to be highly heritable (Eckland 1967, 1971; Jensen 1969; Spaeth 1976; Scarr and Weinberg 1977, 1978). Chapter 4 will deal with this argument in some detail by questioning the assumptions and presenting sibsize effects for both verbal and nonverbal cognitive ability. Moreover, our controls for parents' education and occupational status are, in part, controls for parents' IQ (Longstreth et al., 1981).
p. 12-13

Charles Spearman (1927). The abilities of man: their nature and measurement. London: Macmillan. archive.org

#reference

Charles Spearman (1923/1927, 2nd edition). The nature of &rlquo;intelligence’ and the principles of cognition. London: Macmillan. archive.org

#reference

Jo Rogers (1 September 2018). Ideology is dooming thousands of children to illiteracy The Sunday Morning Herald opinion

Angeline S. Lillard, Megan J. Heise, Eve M. Richey, Xin Tong, Alyssa Hart and Paige M. Bray (2017). Montessori Preschool Elevates and Equalizes Child Outcomes: A Longitudinal Study. Front. Psychol., 30 October 2017 | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01783 open access

Linda Gottfredson (1997). Mainstream Science on Intelligence: An Editorial With 52 Signatories, History, and Bibliography. Editorial in 1997 Intelligence, 24, 13-23 pdf Original statement was in The Wallstreet Journal, December 13, 1994. See also: Wikipedia

Margaret Diane LeCompte & Anthony Gary Dworkin (1991). Giving up on school. Student dropouts and teacher burnouts. Corwin Press. isbn 0803934912 archive.org

2. The Contemporary Context of Cultural Expectations 20
3. Turned Off, Tuned Out, Dropped Out 42
4. Creating Failure: Why Students Drop Out 56
5. The Who and Why of Teacher Burnout 90
6. To Quit or Not to Quit 121
7. Alienation and Schools 145
8. Giving Up on School: A Process Model 182
9. Why School Reforms Fail 194
10. Conclusion: Some Modest and Not So Modest Proposals 228

Bryan Caplan (2018). The Case against Education: Why the Education System Is a Waste of Time and Money. Princeton UP. isbn 9780691174655 info

#key About eduation as a rat race. Eminently relevant to questions of fairness, fairness itself is not at issue with Bryan Caplan, however, witness his index.

Nicholas Lemann (1999). The big test. The secret history of the American meritocracy. Farrar, Strauss and Giroux. isbn 0374299846 review & interview; -- 'secrets of the SAT'

Richard T. von Mayrhauser (1992). The mental testing community and validity. A prehistory. <9>American Psychologist, 47, 244-253. abstract Also: contents of special issue on the history of psychology Reprinted in Wade E. Pickren and Donald A. Dewsbury, (2002). Evolving Perspectives on the History of Psychology. American Psychological Association.

#key

Edwin G. Boring (1929/1950). A history of experimental psychology. Appleton-Century Crofts. isbn 0390109886 archive.org edition 1929

James Tabery (2014). Beyond versus : the struggle to understand the interaction of nature and nurture. MIT Press. [UB Leiden PSYCHO D8.2.2.-75 ] info

Key publication. #Galton #Fisher #Hogben #interaction

Francis Galton and the Origin of the nature/nurture debate 1-3

Becky Francis (7 September 2018). How setting can lead to 'double disadvantage'. UCL researchers say the evidence suggests that setting widens the attainment gap but has little impact on attainment. Tes. article

Dirk van Damme (Sept 10, 2018). A thread about 'early tracking': it is true that many - not all - studies show a country-level association between early tracking and strong impact of SES on learning outcomes. This is also the case with PISA analysis. However, there are several methodological issues: Twitterthread

my reaction: The genetics of tracking systems: medieval and later class society. The (French) sociology of tracking systems: reproduction of the class society. Justification of tracking systems: the misconception of talents and intelligence as being innate (19th c. Galton, Darwin).tweet

Hugh Mehan, Irene Villanueva, Lea Hubbard= & Angela Lintz (1996). Constructing school success. The consequences of untracking low achieving students. Cambridge University Press. info ch. 5 The social scaffolding supporting academic placement, ch. 7 Peer group influences supporting untracking ch. 9 Implications for educational practice, ch. 10 Implicatons for theories explaining educational inequality. About the San Diego untracking program AVID (Achievement via Individual Determination). (Google: San Diego untracking program AVID)

p. 77: Our discussion of the social processes of untracking rests on two interrelated ideas: One, academic life has implict or hidden dimensions that students must master in order to be successful in school; and two, a system of institutional supports or 'scaffolds' supports AVID students as they traverse this implicit cultural system. (...) AVID attempts to maintain a rigorous curriculum for all students while adding increased support for low-achieving students.

Language Exposure Relates to Structural Neural Connectivity in Childhood. Rachel R. Romeo, Joshua Segaran, Julia A. Leonard, Sydney T. Robinson, Martin R. West, Allyson P. Mackey, Anastasia Yendiki, Meredith L. Rowe and John D.E. Gabrieli. Journal of Neuroscience 5 September 2018, 38 (36) 7870-7877; Dó: https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.0484-18.2018 abstract

Magnus Henrekson and Johan Wennström (2018). "Post-Truth" Schooling and Marketized Education: Explaining the Decline in Sweden’s School Quality. download

The Swedish school system suffers from profound problems with teacher recruitment and retention, knowledge decline, and grade inflation. Absenteeism is high, and psychiatric disorders have risen sharply among Swedish pupils in the last ten years.
In this pioneering analysis of the consequences of combining institutionalized social constructivism with extensive marketization of education, we suggest that these problems regarding school quality are to no small extent a result of the Swedish school system’s unlikely combination of a postmodern view of truth and knowledge, the ensuing pedagogy of child-centered discovery, and market principles.

The pupil premium is not working (part III): Can within-classroom inequalities ever be closed? Posted on September 13, 2018 by Becky Allenblog [blog I and II also available]

David C. Geary (2018). Efficiency of mitochondrial functioning as the fundamental biological mechanism of general intelligence (g). Psychological Review abstract, full text on research.net <--fs_mitochondria-->

Robert Chapman (Sept 2018). We’re not prepared for the genetic revolution that’s coming. blog

Using genetic data could allow us to more effectively personalise education and target resources to those children most in need.
But this would only work if parents, teachers and policymakers have enough understanding of genetics to correctly use the information. Genetic effects can be prevented or enhanced by changing a person’s environment, including by providing educational opportunity and choice. The misplaced view that genetic influences are fixed could lead to a system in which children are permanently separated into grades based on their DNA and not given the right support for their actual abilities.

Liz Lightfoot (11 Sep 2018). North-south schools divide &rlquo;not supported by evidence’. Major study of 1.8 million pupils also challenges ministers’ claims children do better in academies and grammarsnews

#Gorard

The analysis of three annual cohorts of 600,000 pupils each was carried out by Prof Stephen Gorard, director of the Durham University evidence centre for education, who says he found no evidence that schools in the north or north-east are differentially effective or ineffective with equivalent pupil intakes.

Herman G. van de Werfhorst (2018). Early Tracking and Socioeconomic Inequality in Academic Achievement: Studying Reforms in Nine Countries. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rssm.2018.09.002 abstract and sci-hub.tw/10.1016/j.rssm.2018.09.002

The Question of Knowledge; practicalities of a knowledge-based curriculum. ASCL Association of School and College Leaders. pdf

Robert J. Sternberg (1999). Intelligence as Developing Expertise. Contemporary Educational Psychology 24(4): 359-375 10.1006/ceps.1998.0998 pdf sci-hub

George Psacharopoulos & Harry Anthony Patrinos (2018). Returns to investment in education: a decennial review of the global literature. Education Economics, 26, 445-458. open

Returns to investment in education provide the opportunity for people to raise incomes and for society to reduce inequality. But if investments in education do not keep pace with rising demand, then inequality may increase. This could be interpreted as a &rlquo;race between education and technology’ as discussed by Tinbergen (1975 Tinbergen, J. 1975. Income Distribution: Analysis and Policies. North- Holland. [Google Scholar] ).

Anna K. Chmielewski (14 Sep 2018). Can we close gaps in literacy by social background over the life course? Evidence from synthetic 1950-1980 birth cohorts. OECDEducation Working Papers access

Robert Sternberg, Linda Jarvin, Damian Patrick, Birney Show, & Elena Grigorenko (2014). Testing the Theory of Successful Intelligence in Teaching Grade 4 Language Arts, Mathematics, and Science. Journal of Educational Psychology 106(3):881-899 Dó: 10.1037/a0035833 reserchgate.net

Special Issue "If Intelligence Is Truly Important to Real-World Adaptation, and IQs Have Risen 30+ Points in the Past Century (Flynn Effect), then Why Are There So Many Unresolved and Dramatic Problems in the World, and What Can Be Done About It?" J. Intell., Volume 6, Issue 3 (September 2018) open access

Harrison J. Kell andJonas W. B. Lang (2018). Special Issue The Great Debate: General Ability and Specific Abilities in the Prediction of Important Outcomes J. Intell. 2018, 6(3), 39; https://doi.org/10.3390/jintelligence6030039 open access

Non-g Factors Predict Educational and Occupational Criteria: More than g by Thomas R. Coyle
A Tempest in A Ladle: The Debate about the Roles of General and Specific Abilities in Predicting Important Outcomes by Wendy Johnson open
The debate about the roles of general and specific abilities in predicting important outcomes is a tempest in a ladle because we cannot measure abilities without also measuring skills. Skills always develop through exposure, are specific rather than general, and are executed using different strategies by different people, thus tapping into varied specific abilities. Relative predictive validities of measurement formats depend on the purpose: the more general and long-term the purpose, the better the more general measure. The more specific and immediate the purpose, the better the closely related specific measure.
abstract

a.o.
Why Real-World Problems Go Unresolved and What We Can Do about It: Inferences from a Limited-Resource Model of Successful Intelligence. By Robert J. Sternberg
Non-g Factors Predict Educational and Occupational Criteria: More than g . By Thomas R. Coyle

Lauren B. Resnick (Ed.) (1976). The nature of intelligence. Erlbaum. isbn 0470013842

This is an amazing book, in the sense that it shows how little still is known about &rlquo;intelligence’.

a.o.:
Leone E. Tyler: The intelligence we test - An evolving concept 13-26
John B. Carroll: Psychometric tests as cognitive tasks: A new 'structure of intellect' 27-56 -
William W. Cooley: Who needs general intelligence? 57-63
Herbert A. Simon: Identifying basic abilities underlying intelligent performance of complex tasks 65-98 -
David Klahr: Steps toward the simulation of intellectual development 99-134 -
Ulric Neisser: General, academic, and artificial intelligence 135-145 -
Lauren B. Resnick and Robert Glaser: Problem solving and intelligence 205-230 -
Earl Hunt: Varieties of cognitive power 237-260
Janellen Huttenlocher: Language and intelligence 261-282
Charles A. Perfetti: Language comprehension and the deverbalization of intelligence 283-293
W. K. Estes: Intelligence and cognitive psychology 295-306
James F. Voss: The nature of &rlquo;The nature of intelligence’ 307-316
J.McVicker Hunt: Ordinal scales of infant development and the nature of intelligence 317-328
Lloyd G. Humphreys: A factor model for research on intelligence and problem solving 329-340
Robert Glaser: The processes of intelligence and education 341-351

Reviving research on effective schools 26th September 2018//by Karin Chenoweth researchED article

Steven Pfeiffer, Elizabeth Shaunessy-Dedrick, & Megan Foley-Nicpon , (Eds.) (2018). APA handbook of giftedness and talent. [UB Leiden Pedag] nog niet gezien]

Content: Introduction -- History and global perspectives -- A history of giftedness : a century of quest for identity / David Yun Dai -- International perspectives and trends in research on giftedness and talent development / Heidrun Stoeger, Daniel Patrick Balestrini, and Albert Ziegler -- A historical overview of instructional theory and practice in the United States and Canada : the double slinky phenomenon in gifted and general education / Bruce M. Shore and Maren Gube -- Gifted education in europe : implications for policymakers and educators / Javier Tourón and Joan Freeman -- Gifted education in asia / David W. Chan -- Gifted education in Australia and New Zealand / Leonie Kronborg -- Challenges on the identification and development of giftedness in South America / Solange Muglia Wechsler, Sheyla Blumen, and Karen Bendelman -- Gifted education in the Middle East / Hanna David -- Gifted education in Africa / Jacobus G. Maree -- Theories and conceptions of giftedness and talent-- Theories of intelligence / Robert J. Sternberg -- Academic talent development : theory and best practices / Françoys Gagné -- The three-ring conception of giftedness : a developmental approach for promoting creative productivity in young people / Joseph S. Renzulli and Sally M. Reis -- The role of motivation / D. Betsy McCoach and Jessica Kay Flake -- Flow theory: optimizing elite performance in the creative realm / Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Monica N. Montijo, and Angela R. Mouton -- Talent development as the most promising focus of giftedness and gifted education / Rena F. Subotnik, Paula Olszewski-Kubilius, and Frank C. Worrell -- Talent development : a path toward eminence / Frank C. Worrell, Rena F. Subotnik, and Paula Olszewski-Kubilius -- Expertise : individual differences, human abilities, and nonability traits / Phillip L. Ackerman -- From giftedness to eminence : developmental landmarks across the life span / Dean Keith Simonton-- Creativity / James C. Kaufman, Sarah R. Luria, and Ronald A. Beghetto -- Gifted identification and assessment -- Identification of strengths and talents in young children / Nancy B. Hertzog, Rachel U. Mun, Bridget DuRuz, and Amy A. Holliday -- Methods to increase the identification rate of students from traditionally underrepresented populations for gifted services / Michael S. Matthews and Scott J. Peters -- Acceleration and the talent search model : transforming the school culture / Susan G. Assouline, Ann Lupkowski-Shoplik, and Nicholas Colangelo -- Gifted education: curriculum and instruction -- Considerations in curriculum for the gifted -- Joyce van tassel-baska -- Teaching strategies to support the education of gifted learners -- Catherine a. little -- Research-guided programs and strategies for nurturing creativity -- Jonathan a. plucker, jiajun guo, and anna dilley -- Developing talents in girls and young women -- Barbara a. kerr and jessica gahm-- Identifying and educating underrepresented gifted students -- William ming liu and laneisha waller -- Examining gifted students¿ mental health through the lens of positive psychology -- Shannon suldo, brittany hearon, and elizabeth shaunessy-dedrick -- Psychological considerations -- Social and emotional considerations for gifted students / Anne N. Rinn -- The role of the family in talent development / Paula Olszewski-Kubilius, Frank C. Worrell, and Rena F. Subotnik -- Three crucial dimensions for students with intellectual gifts: it¿s time to stop talking and start thinking / David Lubinski and Harrison J. Kell -- Psychological issues unique to the gifted student / Maureen Neihart and Lay See Yeo -- Counseling gifted children and teens / Jean Sunde Peterson -- Special issues -- Policy, legal issues, and trends in the education of gifted students / Kristen R. Stephens -- Psychological interventions for twice-exceptional youth / Megan Foley-Nicpon and Margaret M. Candler-- Underachievement and the gifted child / Del Siegle and D. Betsy McCoach -- Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder in gifted students / Marcia Gentry and C. Matthew Fugate -- Emotional intelligence and giftedness / Gerald Matthews, Jinchao Lin, Moshe Zeidner, and Richard D. Roberts -- Suicide among students with gifts and talents / Tracy L. Cross and Jennifer Riedl Cross -- Beyond trait theory accounts of giftedness / Matthew T. McBee, Kayla Mitchell, and Samantha K. Fields Johnson -- Career counseling and the gifted individual : applying social-cognitive career theory to the career decision making of gifted individuals / Susannah M. Wood, Carol Klose Smith, and David K. Duys -- Perfectionism and the gifted / Kenneth G. Rice and Merideth E. Ray -- Bullying and the gifted / Dorothy L. Espelage and Matthew T. King -- Index.

David Cantor (September 25, 2018). America’s Achievement Gap - Made, Not Born? What a Study of 30,000 Students Reveals About Lowered Expectations and Poorer-Quality Instruction for Kids of Color article

The opportunity myth. What students can show us about how school is letting them down - and how to fix it. TNTP report

Paul von Hippel, Joseph Workman, Douglas B. Downey (2018). Inequality in Reading and Math Skills Forms Mainly Before Kindergarten: A Replication, and Partial Correction, of 'Are Schools the Great Equalizer?’ Sociology of Education 10.1177/0038040718801760 abstract & download pdf

Changes in inequality are small after kindergarten and do not replicate consistently across grades, subjects, or cohorts. That said, socioeconomic gaps tend to shrink during the school year and grow during the summer, while the black-white gap tends to follow the opposite pattern.
from te absract

F. W. Garforth (Ed.) (1964). Locke's thoughts concerning education. Abridged with an introduction and commentary.--> [1693, Some thoughts concerning education] Heinemann.

I hear it is said, That children should be employed in getting things by heart, to exercise and improve their memories. I could wish this were said with as much authority of reason, as it is with forwardness of assurance; and that this practice were established upon good observation, more than old custom; for it is evident, that strength of memory is owing to a happy constitution, and not to any habitual improvement got by exercise. whole of §176

Silvia H. Barcellos, Leandro S. Carvalho, and Patrick Turley (2018). Education can reduce health differences related to genetic risk of obesity. PNAS published ahead of print October 2, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1802909115 open

This work investigates whether genetic makeup moderates the effects of education on health. Low statistical power and endogenous measures of environment have been obstacles to the credible estimation of such gene-by-environment interactions. We overcome these obstacles by combining a natural experiment that generated variation in secondary education with polygenic scores for a quarter-million individuals. The additional schooling affected body size, lung function, and blood pressure in middle age. The improvements in body size and lung function were larger for individuals with high genetic predisposition to obesity. As a result, education reduced the gap in unhealthy body size between those in the top and bottom terciles of genetic risk of obesity from 20 to 6 percentage points.
abstract

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Caroline Hall, Martin Lundin and Kristina Sibbmark (2018). A laptop for every child? The impact of ICT on educational outcomes. draft

Over Hirsch en Why knowledge matters. Ben Wilbrink (2016). Waarom geïndividualiseerd onderwijs leidt tot meer ongelijkheid. Vakwerk pdf

Hessel Oosterbeek Sándor Sóvágó Bas van der Klaauw (nd). Identifying the sources of school segregation. pdf

Jane J. Mansbridge (Ed.) (1990). Beyond self-interest Chicago UP. isbn 0226503607 #equity info

a.o.
Rational Fools: A Critique of the Behavioral Foundations of Economic Theory : Amartya K. Sen
Selfishness and Altruism: Jon Elster
Varieties of Altruism: Christopher Jencks
Cooperation for the Benefit of Us—Not Me, or My Conscience: Robyn M. Dawes, Alphons J. C. van de Kragt, and John M. Orbell
Dual Utilities and Rational Choice: Howard Margolis

The counterculture class warrior who turned to Gove/ Teaching knowledge, Michael FD Young wrote in his influential 70s book, is a ruling-class construct. Not any more, it seems/ interview by Peter Wilby 9 Oct 2018

If you have children who’ve taken vocational courses, employers don’t really want them. We’ve always used vocational courses as a way of coping with low achievers and that seems to me a loser from the beginning.

James R.Flynn & Michael Shayer (2018). IQ decline and Piaget: Does the rot start at the top? Intelligence, 66, 112-121. open

Demanet, Jannick, Van Houtte, Mieke (Eds.) (2019). Resisting Education: A Cross-national Study on Systems and School Effects. Introduces a comparative and international perspective to address school resistance. [I have not yet seen the book]

Dalton Conley & Jason Fletcher (2017). The genome factor. What the Social Genomics Revolution Reveals about Ourselves, Our History, and the Future Princeton UP. info & pdf Ch. 1 article

Janet Browne (2003). Charles Darwin. The power of place. Volume II of a biography. The origin and after - the years of fame. Knopf. isbn 0679429328 info

tweet:
While Galton’s views were generally more sophisticated than usually assumed, there could be no denying the zeal with which he defended the idea that talent was an innate, inheritable quality unaffected by social considerations. Ability &rlquo;clings’ to families, he asserted. Intelligence and ability were biological traits, the product of nature not nurture.
p. 289 in Janet Browne (2003). Charles Darwin. The power of place. Volume II of a biography. The origin and after - the years of fame. Knopf.
These views were developed in Hereditary Genius, a book that can almost be read as a collective autobiography of the masculine Victorian elite. There, in Galton’s pages, nearly every member of the British intelligentsia could find data that indicated that his ability ran in his blood and, moreover, was inherited through the male side (although Galton conceded that an able mother could tilt the balance). ( . . . )
In all this Galton seemingly ignored, or was not able to conceive, the effects of a hierachically distributed society based on the advantages of education and wealth, or a culture in which professional openings were customarily purchased or passed on from generation to generation. ( . . . )
However, the book caught Darwin’s eye. "I do not tink I ever in my whole life read anything more interesting and original," he admitted. ( . . . ) "You have made a convert of an opponent in one sense, for I have always maintained that excepting fools, men did not differ much in intellect, only in zeal and hard work." He moderated this praise by adding, "I still think this is an eminently important difference." [Galton, 1980, Memories of my life]
p. 290 in Janet Browne (2003). Charles Darwin. The power of place. Volume II of a biography. The origin and after - the years of fame. Knopf.

Andrew van Dam (9 Oct 2018). It’s better to be born rich than gifted. Wshington Post wonkblog

Genes, Education, and Labor Market Outcomes: Evidence from the Health and Retirement Study. Nicholas W. Papageorge, Kevin Thom, NBER Working Paper No. 25114. Issued in September 2018 abstract download

A. Pluchino, A. E. Biondo, A. Rapisarda (2018). Talent vs Luck: the role of randomness in success and failure. arXiv pdf [see also http://www.pluchino.it/talent-vs-luck.html ]

In particular, we show that, if it is true that some degree of talent is necessary to be successful in life, almost never the most talented people reach the highest peaks of success, being overtaken by mediocre but sensibly luckier individuals. As to our knowledge, this counterintuitive result - although implicitly suggested between the lines in a vast literature - is quantified here for the first time. It sheds new light on the effectiveness of assessing merit on the basis of the reached level of success and underlines the risks of distributing excessive honors or resources to people who, at the end of the day, could have been simply luckier than others.
from the abstract

The OECD view on equity in education: read

Mads Meier Jaeger & Richard Breen (2016). A Dynamic Model of Cultural Reproduction. American Journal of Sociology, 121 (4), 1079-1115. doi:10.1086/684012 sci-hub.tw/10.1086/684012

The authors draw on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural reproduction to develop a formal model of the pathways through which cultural capital acts to enhance children’s educational and socioeconomic success. ( .... ) The authors review results from existing empirical research on the role of cultural capital in education to demonstrate the usefulness of their model for interpretative purposes, and they use National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979—Children and Young Adults survey data to test some of its implications.

Susan Clayton & Christie manning (Eds.) (2018). Psychology and climate change. Human perceptions, impacts, and responses. Academic Press. [UB Leiden PSYCHO G2.7,-69] info

Linda Darling-Hammond, Channa M. Cook-Harvey, Lisa Flook, Madelyn Gardner, and Hanna Melnick (2018). With the Whole Child in Mind: Insights from the Comer School Development Program info

via Linda Darling-Hammond. (1st chapter)

W. Ray Rhine (1981). Making schools more effective: New directions from Follow Through Academic Press.

Rhine, Ray W. (1983). The role of psychologists in the national Follow Through Project. American Psychologist, 38, 288-297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.38.3.288

Project Follow Through: A Case Study of Contingencies. Influencing Instructional Practices of the Educational Establishment. Cathy L. Watkins (1997). http://www.behavior.org/resources/901.pdf

(1975). A Description of Follow Through Sponsor Implementation Processes. archive.org

Andreas Schleicher (november 2018). World Class. How to Build a 21st-Century School System. OECD. read

Stephen Gorard & Nadia Siddiqui (2017). Grammar schools in England: a new analysis of social segregation and academic outcomes British Journal of Sociology of Education, 39, 909-924. open access

There is no evidence base for a policy of increasing selection, and so there are implications for early selection policies worldwide. The UK government should consider phasing the existing selective schools out.
from the abstract

Robert J. Sternberg (1998). Abilities are forms of developing expertise. Educational Researcher, 27, 11-20. [nog opzoeken]

McCoy, D. C., Yoshikawa, H., Ziol-Guest, K. M., Duncan, G. J., Schindler, H. S., Magnuson, K., … Shonkoff, J. P. (2017). Impacts of Early Childhood Education on Medium- and Long-Term Educational Outcomes. Educational Researcher, 46(8), 474-487. doi:10.3102/0013189x17737739 sci-hub

Slusser, E., Ribner, A., & Shusterman, A. (2018). Language counts : Early language mediates the relationship between parent education and children’s math ability. Developmental Science, doi:10.1111/desc.12773 sci-hub

Thomas Piketty (December 9, 2018). Our manifesto to save Europe from itself manifesto

Judea Pearl (2018). Does Obesity Shorten Life? Or is it the Soda? On Non-manipulable Causes. Journal of Causal Inference, 6(2), online, September 2018. https://doi.org/10.1515/jci-2018-2001 pdf

Stuart J. Ritchie, Timothy C. Bates, and Ian J. Deary (2015) 'Is education associated with improvements in general cognitive ability, or in specific skills?' Developmental Psychology, vol. 51, no. 5, pp. 573-582. Dó: 10.1037/a0038981 open

Patrick C. Kyllonen (2018). Inequality, Education, Workforce Preparedness, and Complex Problem Solving. J. Intell. 2018, 6(3), 33; https://doi.org/10.3390/jintelligence6030033 open

This article need debunking ;-) [nog op te nemen in onderwijs_2032_check]

The Inequality Paradox: Rising Inequalities Nationally, Diminishing Inequality Worldwide. Posted on December 10, 2018 by Branko Milanovic blog

Jay S. Kaufman & Crles Muntaner (27 March 2016). 'The association between intelligence and lifespan is mostly genetic' International Journal of Epidemiology, Volume 45, Issue 2, 1 April 2016, Pages 576-577,https://doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyw019comment

Critial comments on an article by Arden et al. (Via .. )

John Mighton (2018) Extreme Equality - Closing the Achievement Gap in Math vimeo

John Rawls (1971). A theory of justice. Clarendon Press. isbn 0198243685 info

The intuitive notion here is that this structure contains various social positions and that men born into different positions have diferent expectations of life, determined, in part, by the political system as well as by economic and social circumstances. In this way the institutions of society favor certain starting places over others. These are especially deep inequalities. Not only are they pervasive, but they affect men's initial chances in life; yet they cannot possibly be justified by an appeal to the notions of merit or desert. It is these inequalities, presumably inevitable in the basic structure of any society, to which the principles of social justice must in the first instance apply.
p. 7, John Rawls 1971 A theory of justice. Clarendon Press.
Steven Pinker has read his Rawls also, pp 150-151 in his 2002 The blank slate
Can one reconcile biological differences with a concept of social justice? Absolutely. In his famous theory of justice, the philosopher John Rawls asks us to imagine a social contract drawn up by self-interested agents negotiating under a veil of ignorance, unaware of the talents or status they will inherit at birth (..). He argues that a just society is one that these disembodied souls would agree to be born into, knowing that they might be dealt a lousy social or genetic hand. (..)
Indeed, the existence of innate differences in ability makes Rawls’s conception of social justice especially acute and eternally relevant.
pp150-151 in Steven Pinker 2002 The blank slate. The modern denial of human nature. Allen Lane
There is no more reason to permit the distribution of income and wealth to be settled by the distribution of natural assets than by historical and social fortune. Furthermore, the principle of fair opportunity can be only imperfectly carried out, at least as long as the institution of the family exists. The extent to which natural capacities develop and reach fruition is affected by all kinds of social conditions and class attitudes. Even the willingness to make an effort, to try, and so to be deserving in the ordinary sense is itself dependent upon happy family and social circumstances. It is impossible in practice to secure equal chances of achievement and culture for those similarly endowed, and therefore we may want to adopt a principle which recognizes this fact and also mitigates the arbitrary effects of the natural lottery itself.
p. 74, John Rawls 1971 A theory of justice. Clarendon Press.
No one deserves his greater natural capacity nor merits a more favorable starting place in society. But it does not follow that one should eliminate these distinctions. There is another way to deal with them. The basic structure can be arranged so that these contingencies work for the good of the least fortunate. Thus we are led to the difference principle if we wish to set up the social system so that no one gains or loses from his arbitrary place in the distribution of natural assets or his initial position in society without giving or receiving compensating advantages in return.
p. 102, John Rawls 1971 A theory of justice. Clarendon Press.
Thus, for example, resources for education are not to be allotted solely or necessarily mainly according to their return as estimated in productive trained abilities, but also according to their worth in enriching the personal and social life of citizens, including here the less favored. As a society progresses the latter consideration becomes increasingly more important.
p. 107
https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1090537388894507008 quote from p. 73-74
https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1083659561171595265 en https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1083663748357865472

Akito Okada (2013). The Historical Transformation of the Concept of Equality of Educational Opportunity in Post-war England and Japan. pdf

Jonathan J. B. Mijs (forthcoming 2019). The Paradox of Inequality: Income Inequality and Belief in Meritocracy go Hand in Hand. Socio-Economic Review pdf

Arnold Angenendt (1997/2000 2e) Geschichte der Religiosität im Mittelalter. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Kein isbn. (ed. 2009 isbn 9783896786555). info

A moral 'blank slate' in Christianity.

p. 299: Adam f¨r alle — Christus für alle; p. p. 300: Die christliche ‘Gleichheit für Gott’

Using DNA from mothers and children to study parental investment in children's educational attainment. Jasmin Wertz a.o. (2018). preprint

Findings imply that, when interpreting parents' effects on children, environmentalists must consider genetic transmission, but geneticists must also consider environmental transmission. [from the absract]

Erzsebet Bukodi (2019). Britain's social mobility problem has been misunderstood - education is not the great leveller. January 8, 2019 blog

Erzsébet Bukodi & John H. Goldthorpe, (2018). Social Mobility and Education in Britain. Research, Politics and Policy. Cambridge University Press. info; Conclusions: sci-hub

Erzsebet Bukodi (January 8,2019). Britain's social mobility problem has been misunderstood - education is not the great leveller https://theconversation.com/britains-social-mobility-problem-has-been-misunderstood-education-is-not-the-great-leveller-109125
Considering individuals with similar levels of cognitive ability, those from more advantaged social origins have significantly higher educational attainment than those from less advantaged social origins, and there is little indication of such disparities decreasing over time. Many men and women thus do not realise their full academic potential, and in this way a substantial wastage of talent occurs.
( .. ) When considered independently of social origins and cognitive ability, education has not, as seems often believed, increasingly become class destiny. No general and sustained movement towards an education-based meritocracy is apparent.
from the Conclusion p. 209
[a zero-sum game] Given the existence of what might be called an objective opportunity structure - in other words, that formed by the class structure as it exists at any one time - any improvement in the relative mobility chances of children of less advantaged class origins can only come about at the expense of a worsening of the chances of children of more advantaged origins. Erzsébet Bukodi & John H. Goldthorpe, (2018). Social Mobility and Education in Britain. Research, Politics and Policy. Cambridge University Press. p. 215
p. 215
The concern and, for the most part, the capacity of families holding more advantaged class positions to stave off any threat of serious intergenerational downward mobility could in fact be regarded as the key source of the long-term stability that the endogenous mobility regime displays.
p. 215
Onderwijsbeleid is oorlog.
( .. ) a major reorientation of thinking that has for long been largely shared across the political spectrum. What would be entailed would be the following: a move away from an uncritical acceptance of the idea of education as 'the great equaliser' and of an education-based meritocracy as a generally desirable end state; a recognition that, insofar as the association between individuals' social origins and their educational attainment is not weakened, education often serves in effect to restrict mobility; and, in turn, a concern to prevent any unnecessary transfer of educational inequalities into inequalities in chances of — upward — mobility in the course of working life.
p. 219

Nadia Siddiqui, Vikki Boliver & Stephen Gorard (2019). Reliability of Longitudinal Social Surveys of Access to Higher Education: The Case of Next Steps in England. Social Inclusion. open

September 11, 1999. Two Views on How to Get Johnny to Read and Think. The New York Times - on the web Toward Good Thinking On Essential Questions, By HOWARD GARDNER. & Finding the Answers In Drills and Rigor, By E.D. HIRSCH Jr. aricle

Julie Henry (20 Januay 2019). No talking in the corridor, mobiles confiscated for a week and public apologies: How Britain's strictest headmaster turned around his failing school The Mail on Sunday | Mail Online article

Paul T. von Hippel & Caitlin Hamrock (2019). Do Test Score Gaps Grow Before, During, or Between the School Years? Measurement Artifacts and What We Can Know in Spite of Them. Sociological Science. download pdf

Net of artifacts, the most replicable finding is that gaps form mainly in early childhood, before schooling begins. After school begins, most gaps grow little, and some gaps shrink. Evidence is inconsistent regarding whether gaps grow faster during school or during summer
from the abstract

Michael Young David Lambert Martin Roberts (2014). Knowledge and the Future School. info [ haven't seen the book yet. Young published a number of books in recent years]

Knowledge, Expertise and the Professions, by Michael Young (Editor), Johan Muller (Editor) (2014) https://www.amazon.com/Knowledge-Expertise-Professions-Michael-Young/dp/0415713919 [ haven't seen the book yet. Young published a number of books in recent years]

Michael Young (2011). What are schools for? Educa¸ão, Sociedade & Culturas, # 32, 2011, 145-155 open

This paper addresses the question 'what are schools for?' and argues that each generation has to answer this question for itself. It makes the case that schools have a distinct role in modern societies to provide access to concepts which enable young people to move beyond their experience in ways that would not be open to them in their families and communities. It presents an alternative perspective to educational policies which see schools primarily as instruments of economic policy and challenges much social science which focuses exclusively on the role of schools in cultural and social reproduction.
abstract

Stephen Gorard, Nadia Siddiqui (2019). How Trajectories of Disadvantage Help Explain School Attainment. SAGE Open open

Resisting Education: A Cross-National Study on Systems and School Effects. Editors: Demanet, Jannick, Van Houtte, Mieke (Eds.) previews

Some Principles of Stratification. Author(s): Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore. American Sociological Review, Vol. 10, No. 2, 1944 Annual Meeting Papers (Apr., 1945), pp. 242-249pdf