Ben Wilbrink literature on intelligence

This collection is not a random bunch, yet I have not tried to bring some order in it. The collection is still growing, recent additions tend to be found at the end of the file.

Be aware that this literature is especially about individual differences in intelligece (differential psychology). What intelligence might be in terms of cognition, is the subject of quite another branch of psychology; my literature file on: cognitive psychology.

Cronbach, L. J. (1975). Beyond the two disciplines of scientific psychology. American Psychologist, 30(2), 116-127. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0076829 pdf scihub

Ben Wilbrink (2020). Literature on intelligence: 'Intelligence and education: inventory of publications on their history' blog

Bayley, Nancy (1955). On the growth of intelligence. American Psychologist, 10, 805-818 10.1037/h0043803 pdf scihub Classic.

Binet, Alfred & Simon, Théodore (1916). The development of intelligence in children. (The Binet-Simon Scale). online in archive.org

Bisseret, Noelle (1979). Education, class language and ideology. Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Chapter 1: 'Essentialist ideology. Its origins and its scientific form, the theory of natural aptitudes'Section captions:
'Prior to the nineteenth century, the word 'aptitude'designated a contingent reality'
'The first half of the nineteenth century: 'aptitude'becomes an essential hereditary feature: birth of a new ideology justifying social inequalities'
'The second half of the nineteenth century: 'Aptitude'refers to a strictly biological causal process. The word 'becomes a part of everyday language'
'The age of tests: aptitude as a measurable reality. The science of aptitudes as the warrant of a legitimate social order'
'Scientific definitions of the concept of aptitude. A criticism of the relevance of its use in the social sciences. Permanence of a nineteenth pattern of thought'
The chapter starts at p. 6. In Google most pages of this chapter by Bisseret can be read: here

Block, N. J., & Gerald Dworkin (Eds) (1976). The IQ controversy. Random House.online version

reader of articles by. i.a., Walter Lippmann - Lewis M. Terman - Richard C. Lewontin - Arthur R. Jensen - Leon J. Kamin - Noam Chomsky - Richard J. Herrnstein - Carl Bereiter - Christopher Jencks

for the Lippmann-Terman debate see also: Chapman (1988) Schools as sorters [below], and Lee J. Cronbach, 1975, Five decades of public controversy over mental testing. American Psychologist, 30, 1-14 pdf

Blum, Jeffrey M. (1978). Pseudoscience and mental ability. The Origins and Fallacies of the IQ Controversy. Monthly Review Press.

Boring, Edward G. (1923). Intelligence as the tests test it. New Republic, 35, 35-37. pdf

Carroll, John B. (1982). The measurement of intelligence, blz. 29-120 in Sternberg, Robert J., (Ed.): Handbook of human intelligence. Cambridge University Press.

" (..) the inertia within the profession itself that resulted from complacency about the sufficiency of available methodologies and testing procedures and disquiet about misuses of these procedures made serious inroads on the ability of the testing profession to move forward. Large sectors of the profession were enmeshed in outmoded or at least debatable concepts of human behavior, particularly the assumption that mental abilities are relatively immutable even with extensive and prolonged experience or intervention and, furthermore, that they have almost overpowering genetic determinants."

p. 108;

"The testing movement came to this country some twenty-five years ago accompanied by one of the most serious fallacies in the history of science, namely, that the tests measured native intelligence purley and simply without regard to training or schooling. I hope nobody believes that now. The test scores very definitely are a composite including schooling, family background, familiarity with English, and everything else, relevant or irrelevant. The 'native intelligence' hypothesis is dead. [P. 27]

quote Brigham zie hier bovenaan de pagina

Carroll, John B. (1997). Psychometrics, intelligence, and public perception. Intelligence, 24, 25-52. pdf

Cooke, Kathy J. (1998). The Limits of Heredity: Nature and Nurture in American Eugenics Before 1915. Journal of the History of Biology, 31, 263-278. pdf

Crano, William D., Kenny, David A., and Campbell, Donald T. (1972). Does intelligence cause achievement? A cross-lagged panel analysis. Journal of Educational Psychology, 63, 258-275. pdf

Does intelligence cause achievement, or is it the other way around? See also Watkins & Styck 2017.

Cronbach, Lee J., and Suppes, Patrick (Eds.) (1969). Research for tomorrow's schools: Disciplined inquiry for education. London: Collier-Macmillan Limited. [niet online; reviews zie op deze titel in annas-archive.org

Chapter 2: American scholars and educational progress: 1855-1958 Education emerges as a field of study 1855-1895: Henry Barnard: The Journal and the United States Office of Education - William T. Harris as Commissioner of Education - Other sources of leadership The heyday of empiricism 1895-1938: Dewey and the promotion of innovation - The Office of Education: a middle-aged bureaucracy - Local surveys and local research bureaus - The humanities in decline - Education separates from the arts and sciences

Promotional activity supplants inquiry 1938-1958: Opposition to standardization and tradition - Research activity as an agent of change

Chapter 3: Some chains of significant inquiry.

Mental tests and pupil classification - Evolutionary theory and the idea of 'fitness'- Mental tests in American schools - Unified intelligence: a concept under attack - Test profiles in college selection Test technology in the service of the individual

The philosopher and the concept of knowledge: Knowledge as the fruit of problem-solving - Educational aims suggested by the pragmatic view

Thorndike's impact on the teaching of arithmetic: Principles of learning - The psychology of arithmetic - Teaching of arithmetic

The politics of education: a legacy of historical inquiry: Economic interests as a force in educational policy - Effects on the thinking of schoolmen

reviewed: https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/article-abstract/490234

Dirkzwager, A. (1966). Intelligentie en schoolprestaties. Een empirisch onderzoek. Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger. Proefschrift. Niets is online beschikbaar.

"We moeten hieruit de conclusie trekken dat schoolprestaties in belangrijke mate onafhankelijk zijn van de intelligentie van de leerlingen; in ieder geval wanneer we beiden op korte termijn beschouwen, wanneer het ons primair om verschillen tussen leerlingen uit eenzelfde schoolklas gaat en wanneer we over de schoolprestaties in het eerste trimester handelen. Deze conclusie is primair van belang voor hen die bij de dagelijkse gang van het onderwijs betrokken zijn of daarover theoretiseren: het is niet de intelligentie van de leerlingen die het directe effect van de onderwijs-inspanning bepaalt; ter verklaring van verschillen wat de effectiviteit van het onderwijs op korte termijn betreft moet naar andere gronden gezocht worden

Op langere termijn hangt, zo blijkt uit het longitudinaal onderzoek, de schoolloopbaan van de leerling wel samen met zijn intelligentie. We schreven dit toe aan het feit dat de intelligentie een van de meest constante persoonlijkheidskenmerken is en dat een lage intelligentie derhalve een steeds aanwezige handicap is, waarvan, over een langere periode, het effect duidelijker is dan van in de tijd meer fluctuerende variabelen. De absolute waarden van de betreffende correlaties zijn echter niet zo hoog, dat we de intelligentie de belangrijkste factor voor het schoolsucces durven noemen."

[p. 122]

Ebel, Robert L. (1963). The social consequences of educational testing. Reprinted in Anne Anastasi (1966). Testing problems in perspective. Twenty-fifth anniversary volume of topical readings from the invitational conference on testing problems. American Council on Education.

In contrast with the sloppy thinking of Dirkzwager, above, read this expert opinion of Robert Ebel, a stern warning to be careful in using intelligence tests - or anything resembling them - in education.

"Consider first, then, the danger that educational testing may place an indelible stamp of inferiority on a child, ruin his self-esteem and educational motivation, and determine his social status as an adult. Most of us here assembled are well aware of the fact that there is no direct, unequivocal means for measuring permanent general capacity for learning. It is not even clear to many of us that, in the state of our current understanding of mental functions and the learning process, any precise and useful meaning can be given to the concept of 'permanent general capacity for learning'. We know that all intelligence tests now available are direct measures only of achievement in learning, including learning how to learn, and that inferences from scores on those tests to some native capacity for learning are fraught with many hazards and uncertainties. But many people who are interested in education do not know this. Many of them believe that native intelligence has been clearly identified and is well understood by expert psychologists. They believe that a person's IQ is one of his basic, permanent attributes, and that any good intelligence test will measure it with a high degree of precision. They do not regard an IQ simply as another test score, a score that may vary considerably depending on the particular test used and the particular time when the person was tested." (...)

"The concept of fixed general intelligence, or capacity for learning, is a hypothetical concept. At this stage in the development of our understanding of human learning, it is not a necessary hypothesis. Socially, it is not now a useful hypothesis. One of the important things test specialists can do to improve the social consequences of educational testing is to discredit the popular conception of the IQ. Wilhelm Stern, the German psychologist who suggested the concept originally, saw how it was being overgeneralized and charged one of his student coming to America to 'kill the IQ'. Perhaps we would be well advised, even at this late date, to renew our efforts to carry out his wishes."

p. 21, 22 in Anastasi

Ericsson, K. Anders (2018). Intelligence as Domain-Specific Superior Reproducible Performance pp 85-100 in Sternberg, Robert J., The nature of human intelligence. New York: Cambridge University Press. book online: archive.org

An important observation is that IQ-tests are thorough;y educational. In the vocational world, your vocational expertise is what counts. That expertise is domain-specific. IQ is education-specific, in an important sense. Of course, Anders Ericsson published lavishly on expertise, as an author, as well as editor. The most accessible book is Ericsson & Pool: Peak. For Dutch readers, my review of Peak: pdf

" … the standard practice of selecting children and adolescents for future advanced-level education based on the traditional tests of intelligence needs to be reconsidered, given their lack of relation to performance among skilled performers."

p. 97

French, Joseph L., & Hale, Robert L. (1990). A History of the Development of Psychological and Educational Testing, pp. 3-28 in Reynolds, Cecil R., & Kamphaus, Randy W. Handbook of psychological and educational assessment of children: intelligence and achievement. London: The Guilford Press. book info

Eysenck, H. J. / Leon Kamin (1981). Intelligence: The battle for the mind. Pan Psychology. annas-archive.org

Gould, Stephen Jay (1981). The mismeasure of man. New York: Norton. annas-archive.org

Gould doesn't really consider the impact of ideas of intelligence on education; it is intelligence testing that gets debunked here. My take on the book: Gould is right. He might be mistaken in some technical details of testing and factor analysis, but what the heck. Important contribution to the literature critical of psychological testing in the US.

Hadow, Sir W. H. (chair) (1924). Board of Education. Report of the consultative committee on psychological tests of educable capacity and their possible use in the public system of education. London: His Majesty's Stationary Office The Committee's Report pp. 1-145. Appendices 146-238 (a.o. by Cyril Burt) Full text

Tijdsbeeld voor Engeland, toch iets anders dan de VS. Reception of the Binet-Simon tests in England. Thinking on intelligence and abilities. Fascinating.

Hanson, F. Allan (1993). Testing testing. Social consequences of the examined life. University of California Press. free online

Hoffmann, Banesh (1962/78). The tyranny of testing. Crowell-Collier. Reprint 1978. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press.

Jarvin, Linda, & Sternberg, Robert J. (2003). Alfred Binet's contributions as a paradigm for impact in psychology. Chapter 3 in Zimmerman, B. J., & Schunk, D. H. (Eds.) (2003). Educational psychology: A century of contributions. Erlbaum. [p. 97] google.books

Unfortunately, the American developers of his work believed in fixed IQ and substantially modified Binet's original ideas and intentions.

p. 97

Kaufman, Scott Barry (2013). Ungifted: Intelligence Redefined. Basic Books. info

Kevles, Daniel J. (1985). In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. Harvard University Press. info

"And had he [Galton] been more self-aware he might have understood that his proto-eugenic pronouncements celebrated the social milieu—and met the psychic needs—of Francis Galton."

p. 4

Lagemann, Ellen Condliffe (2000). An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Education Research. University of Chicago Press. info

Lemann, Nicholas (1999). The big test. The secret history of the American meritocracy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. interview Lemann

Maas, Han L. J. van der -, Kan, K. -J., & Borsboom, D. (2014). Intelligence is what the intelligence test measures. Seriously. Journal of Intelligence, 2, 12-15. open access

Nisbett, Richard E. (2009). Intelligence and how to get it: Why schools and cultures count. New York, NY: Norton. info

Meier, Scott T. (1994). The chronic crisis in psychological measurement and assessment. A historical survey. Academic Press. info

"Psychologists interpreted Binet's results as evidence of an intelligence factor, which Spearman labeled g. Noting the intercorrelations of different components of intelligence tests, psychologists assumed that individuals applied g in all domains, g was assumed to be a hereditary factor, thereby largely stable and immune to situational influences. It was a psychological trait. Thus, intelligence testing, which came to be the model and standard for all psychological testing, emphasized the importance of enduring psychological attributes—traits—over environmental influences.

p. 17

Prinsen, B. A. (1935). Intellectmetingen bij kinderen. Bijdrage tot een vergelijkend onderzoek van stad en platteland. (proefschrift) http://goo.gl/2vZ5SD online

Ravitch, Diane (2000). Left back. A century of battles over school reform. A Touchstone Book.

Chapter 4: 'IQ testing: "This brutal pessimism"'

Ritchie, Stuart & Tucker-Drob, Elliot (2018). How much does education improve intelligence? A meta-analysis. Psychological Science .

Scarr, Sandra (1997). Behavior-Genetic and Socialization theories of intelligence: Truce and reconciliation. https://tinyurl.com/uruoels pdf In Sternberg, Robert J. & Grigorenko, Elena (Eds.) (1997). Intelligence, heredity, and environment. (pp 3-41) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://tinyurl.com/ukbwh7p Contents and abstracts

Selden, Steven (2005). Transforming Better Babies into Fitter Families: archival resources and the history of American eugenics movement. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society https://www.academia.edu/30800750/Transforming_Better_Babies_into_Fitter_Families_archival_resources_and_the_history_of_American_eugenics_movement_1908-1930?auto=download

The complex behaviors thought to be determined by one's heredity included being generous, jealous, and cruel. In today's context, the popular media often interpret advances in molecular genetics in a similarly reductive and determinist fashion. This paper argues that such a narrow interpretation of contemporary biology unnecessarily constrains the public in developing social policies concerning complex social behavior ranging from crime to intelligence.from the abstract

Snow, Richard E., with Yalow, Eleana (1982). Education and intelligence, blz. 493-584 in Sternberg, Robert J., (Ed.): Handbook of Intelligence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Not online] [Reprinted from Patrick Suppes (Ed.) (1978). Impact of Research on Education: Some Case Studies. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Education.

Sutherland, Gillian (1984). Ability, Merit, and Measurement: Mental Testing and English Education 1880-1940. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Quite interesting! https://tinyurl.com/s5hdn8 online Key publication. Looks a lot like Blueprint by Robert Plomin. Hm.

The differences exist at birth and commonly increase with progress toward maturity. Individuality is already clearly manifest in children of school age.p. 7

Turkheimer, Eric (1998). Heritability and Biological Explanation. Psychological Review, 105, 782-791. http://people.virginia.edu/~ent3c/papers2/Articles%20for%20Online%20CV/(51)%20Turkheimer%20(1998).pdf pdf

Watkins, Marley W., and Styck, Kara M. (2017). A Cross-Lagged Panel Analysis of Psychometric Intelligence and Achievement in Reading and Math. Journal of Intelligence https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6526451/ Does intelligence cause achievement, or is it the other way around? See also Crano, Kenny & Campbell 1972.

Wilbrink, Ben (1997). Assessment in historical perspective. Studies in Educational Evaluation, 23, 31-48. https://tinyurl.com/thh9ufp page

Wilbrink, Ben (March 2020). Intelligentie in historisch perspectief. [Intelligence in historical perspective] Van Twaalf to Achttien. https://www.van12tot18.nl/intelligentie-in-historisch-perspectief

Scott Barry Kaufman (Feb 28, 2019). When does intelligence peak? Maybe that's not even the right question. Scientific American blog Refers to a paywalled study by Hartshorne and Germine, 2015.

Joshua K. Hartshorne, Laura T. Germine (First Published March 13, 2015) When Does Cognitive Functioning Peak? The Asynchronous Rise and Fall of Different Cognitive Abilities Across the Life Span Psychological Science https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614567339 abstract My question: how does this 'peaking'in later life depend on one's schooling.

Phillip L. Ackerman (2000). Domain-Specific Knowledge as the "Dark Matter" of Adult Intelligence: Gf/Gc, Personality and Interest Correlates. The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, Volume 55, Issue 2, 1 March 2000, Pages P69-P84, https://doi.org/10.1093/geronb/55.2.P69 open

Stuart Ritchie (2015). Intelligence: All that matters. info [nog aanschaffen, eBook kost bijna niets; lijkt me een mooi boek om iedereen aan te bevelen die een kort en goed overzicht wil over intelligentie]

Linda Gottfredson (1997). Mainstream Science on Intelligence: An Editorial With 52 Signatories, History, and Bibliography. Editorial in 1997 Intelligence, 24, 13-23 pdf Original statement was in The Wallstreet Journal, December 13, 1994. See also: Wikipedia

Robert J. Sternberg (2010). College Admissions for the 21st Century Harvard University Press. isbn 9780674048232 review

My summary: this is an intriguing exercise in fair college admissions. That is why I mention the book here.

Lee J. Cronbach (1990). Essentials of psychological testing. Harper and Row. isbn 0060414189

Joan N. Burstyn (1980). Victorian education and the ideal of womanhood. Croom Helm, isbn 0709901399

H. Warren Button & Eugene F. Provenzo, Jr. (1989 second edition). History of education and culture in America. Prentice Hall. isbn 0133901629 #reference Phillip L. Ackerman (2018). Intelligence as Potentiality and Actuality. pp 1-14 in Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (2018). The nature of human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. info The whole book! : https://archive.org/details/TheNatureOfHumanIntelligenceSternbergRobertJ/page/n1/mode/2up https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316817049.002

Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (2018). The nature of human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. info Read the whole book: archive.org

Robert K. Sternberg & Richard K. Wagner (eds) (1994). Mind in context. Interactionist perspectives on human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521422876 info

B. A. Prinsen (1935). Intellectmetingen bij kinderen. Bijdrage tot een vergelijkend onderzoek van stad en platteland. proefschrift Utrecht. scan Momentopnamen, lagere school. Bewerking van de Binet-Simon tests gebruikt. Small sample of 199 children tested. Analysis social economic background pp 26-30. Social class mean IQs higher for higher SES.

Stephen Jay Gould (1981). The mismeasure of man. New York: Norton. isbn 0393300560 preface to 2nd edition 1996

A terrible book (and terribly popular on top of that), or is it? Needs to be studied alongside serious criticisms by psychologists. Gould might be right, I am beginning to suspect these days ;-)

Helen Christensen , Philip J. Batterham & Andrew J. Mackinnon (2013). The Getting of Wisdom: Fluid Intelligence Does Not Drive Knowledge Acquisition. Pages 321-331 Published online: 07 Mar 2013 https://doi.org/10.1080/15248372.2012.664590 abstract.

Howard Gardner (1985). Frames of mind. The theory of multiple intelligences. London: Heinemann. isbn 0434282456

J. P. Guilford (1967). The nature of human intelligence McGraw-Hill. lccc 67-11207 #reference

John Raven (2000). The Raven's Progressive Matrices: Change and Stability over Culture and Time. Cognitive Psychology 41, 1-48. pdf

Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (1982). Handbook of human intelligence. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521296870 [This is the first and by now very old edition, quite interesting chapters though! New edition: 2000 info & contents and abstracts and doi]

Judith Blake (1989). Family size and achievement. University of California Press. isbn 0520062965 free online

Earl Hunt (1995). The role of intelligence in modern society American Scientist, 83, 356-368. pdf scihub

Somewhat outdated, the first sections on intelligence are still very useful though.

Charles Spearman (1923/1927, 2nd edition). The nature of 'intelligence'and the principles of cognition. London: Macmillan. archive.org

Charles Spearman (1927). The abilities of man: their nature and measurement. London: Macmillan. archive.org

Robert J. Sternberg (1997). Thinking styles. Cambridge University Press. isbn 9780521553162 info

Lauren B. Resnick (Ed.) (1976). The nature of intelligence. Erlbaum. isbn0470013842

This is an amazing book, in the sense that it shows how little still is known about 'intelligence'.

Robert J. Sternberg (1988). The triarchic mind. A new theory of human intelligence. New York: Viking. isbn 0670803642 archive.org borrow [inserted: Robert J. Sternberg, Bruce Torff & Elena Grigorenko (1998): Teaching for succesful intelligence raises school achievement. Phi Delta Kappan, May, 667-9 "The researchers describe a study that showed that an educational intervention based on the theory of successful intelligence improved school achievement, both on performance assessments measuring analytical, creative, and practical achievements and on conventional multiple-choice memory assessments."]

Stephen J. Ceci& Helene A. Hembrooke (1994). A bioecological model of intellectual development. Ch 8 in Phyllis Moen, Glen H. Elder Jr., & Kurt Lüscher (Eds) (1995). Examining lives in context. Perspectives on the ecology of human development. (303-345) American Psychological Association. isbn 1557982937 info online: annas-archive.org

Julian L. Simon (1997). Four comments on The Bell Curve. Genetica, 99, 199-205. pdf

Howard Gardner (1999). Intelligence reframed. Multiple intelligences for the 21st century. Basic Books. isbn 0465026109 Scholar info

Een theorie die bij empirisch onderzoek geen stand houdt, zoals ook Gardner zelf wel eens heeft toegegeven. Geciteerd door 11880, dus ja, van enige invloed is desondanks wel sprake. Dit is wel problematisch hè! Is er een online-versie van het boek? Op archive.org is het te lezen.

Paul Davis Chapman (1988). Schools as sorters. Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930. New York University Press. isbn 0814714366

Philip A. Vernon (Ed.) (1987). Speed of information-processing and intelligence. Ablex. isbn 0893914274 info. Original contributions by a.o. Hans J. Eysenck, Arthur R. Jensen, Douglas K. Detterman, Robert J. Sternberg, Earl Hunt This edited volume is not mentioned by Geary (2018).

Stephen J. Ceci (Guest Ed.) (1996). IQ in society. Special theme of Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 2 contents [No access? Try sci-hub, using the DOI addresses]

Schooling in adolescence raises IQ scores. Christian N. Brinch and Taryn Ann Galloway (2011). PNAS January 10, 2012 109 (2) 425-430; open access preprint

from the abstract: "We exploit a reform that increased compulsory schooling from 7 to 9 y in Norway in the 1960s to estimate the effect of education on IQ. We find that this schooling reform, which primarily affected education in the middle teenage years, had a substantial effect on IQ scores measured at the age of 19 y."

Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (2018). The Emerging Role of Intelligence in the World of the Future (based on a special issue of open access Journal of Intelligence) pdf open access.

Christina Cliffordson (????). Effects of schooling and age on performance in mathematics and science: A between-grade regression discontinuity design applied to Swedish TIMSS 95 data pdf.

Sorel Cahan and Nora Cohen (1989). Age versus Schooling Effects on Intelligence Development. Child Development, 60, 1239-1249. read online free

Elliot M. Tucker-Drob, Andreas M. Brandmaier and Ulman Lindenberger (2019). Coupled Cognitive Changes in Adulthood: A Meta-Analysis pdf

Kristof Kovacs, Andrew R. A. Conway (2019 online). What Is IQ? Life Beyond 'General Intelligence' First Published February 8, 2019 Research Article Current Directions in Psychological Science https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721419827275 abstract pdf available

"... IQ should be interpreted as an index of specific cognitive abilities rather than the reflection of an underlying general cognitive ability."

William S., Kremen and others (2019-02-05). Influence of young adult cognitive ability and additional education on later-life cognition pdf

Elliot M. Tucker-Drob and Daniel A. Briley (2014). Continuity of Genetic and Environmental Influences on Cognition across the Life Span: A Meta-Analysis of Longitudinal Twin and Adoption Studies. preprint definitive version published in Psychol Bull. 2014 Jul; 140(4): 949'979 here

Anthony Kenny (1989). The metaphysics of mind. Clarendon. isbn 0198249659 info

By Scott Barry Kaufman on May 22, 2019 Toward a New Frontier in Human Intelligence: The Person-Centered Approach. New research is shedding light on how intelligence changes and develops over time. Scientific American blog

Christopher J. Schmank, Sara Anne Goring, Kristof Kovacs and Andrew R. A. Conway (2019). Psychometric Network Analysis of the Hungarian WAIS. Journal of Intelligence open access

Kees-Jan Kan, Han L.J. van der Maas, Stephen Z. Levine (2019). Extending psychometric network analysis: Empirical evidence against g in favor of mutualism? Intelligence,73, 52-62 pdf

"Of theoretical interest is that in all applications psychometric network models outperformed previously established (g) factor models. Simulations showed that this was unlikely due to overparameterization. Thus the overall results were more consistent with mutualism theory than with mainstream g theory. The presence of common (e.g. genetic) influences is not excluded, however."

Catherine Bliss (August 19, 2019). DNA Tests for Intelligence Ignore the Real Reasons Why Kids Succeed or Fail. blog

Johanna Hartung, Laura E. Engelhardt, Megan L. Thibodeaux, K. Paige Harden, Elliot M.Tucker-Drob (2020). Developmental transformations in the structure of executive functions. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 189 open access

Alexander O. Savi, Maarten Marsman, Han L. J. van der Maas, Gunter K. J. Maris (2019). The Wiring of Intelligence. Perspectives on Psychological Science. open access preprint

from the discussion: "Since Spearman's first attempt to explain the positive manifold, it has been the primary aim for formal theorists of intelligence. Although many scholars followed his factor-analytic footsteps, an approach that is dominant as of today, we now also know that it is only one of many possible explanations. Recent contributions to scholarly intelligence, such as the contemporary mutualism model and multiplier effect model, have greatly aided the field by providing novel explanations of a much-debated construct. In this article, we took those new directions two steps further by providing another alternative explanation. First, we introduced a truly idiographic model that captures individual differences in great detail. In doing so, it bridges the two disciplines of psychology by explaining nomothetic phenomena from idiographic network representations. Second, the model provides a formal framework that particularly suits developmental extensions and thus enables the study of both genetic and environmental influences during the development of intelligence."

Robert J. Sternberg (Special Issue Editor) (2018). The Emerging Role of Intelligence in the World of the Future. Journal of Intelligence. open access. open access

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b4920056 Showing 1 - 10 of 14 Results for intelligence Page 79 - 4 matching terms Page 76 - 3 matching terms Page xi - 1 matching term Page 16 - 1 matching term Page 48 - 1 matching term Page 75 - 1 matching term Page 81 - 1 matching term Page 95 - 1 matching term Page 118 - 1 matching term Page 166 - 1 matching term

Ian J. Deary, Steve Strand, Pauline Smith & Cres Fernandes (2007). Intelligence and educational achievement. Intelligence. open access

"What, then, is the association between cognitive ability and educational achievement?" "This 5-year prospective longitudinal study of 70,000+ English children examined the association between psychometric intelligence at age 11 years and educational achievement in national examinations in 25 academic subjects at age 16. The correlation between a latent intelligence trait (Spearman's g from CAT2E) and a latent trait of educational achievement (GCSE scores) was .81."

Stuart Ritchie & Elliot Tucker-Drob (2018). How much does education improve intelligence? A meta-analysis. Psychological Science abstract also a preprint

#quantumsprong Binet ontwierp dus die test op zwakbegaafdheid. In de 20er jaren ging die test in Engeland gebruikt worden om ALLE leerlingen te rangordenen op intelligentie (p. 194, Collins, in 2012 'The Oxford handbook of the history of psychology' Oxford UP'

Sir W. H. Hadow (chair) 1924 Report of the consultative committee on psychological tests of educable capacity and their possible use in the public system of education read online

Een quantumsprong, jawel, maar niet in wetenschappelijk opzicht. Er is sprake van een test (Binet) waarvan de scores samenhangen (correleren) met van alles en nog wat. Maar correlaties zijn nog geen oorzaken. Die test en het idee van intelligentie gaan een eigen leven leiden.

Want wat is het probleem? Intelligentie wordt (begin 20e eeuw) gezien als kenmerk van de leerling, als een vaststaand gegeven. En als dat zo is, dan zijn samenhangen met succes op school en in het leven noodzakelijkerwijs oorzakelijk, nietwaar? Nee dus, dit alles is bullshit.

Met die bullshit zitten Westerse samenlevingen nog steeds opgescheept, de vraag hoe we hierin verstrikt zijn geraakt is dus niet een louter academische. En dat kunnen we ook al heel lang weten, al was het maar dankzij Michael Young's 'The rise of the meritocracy 1870 - 2033'.

Clifford, p. 312, over #nurture en Leibniz: "To explain human variation, the seventeenth philosopher Leibnitz had declared nurture—i.e. education and training—to be all important." Zij geeft geen vindplaats, dus dat wordt even zoeken.
In Thorndike's 'Individuality'? here Interessant boekje, mogelijk het begin van de differentiële psychologie, in 1911! p. 7, over individuele verschillen:

"The differences exist at birth and commonly increase with progress toward maturity. Individuality is already clearly manifest in children of school age."
p. 40 "As will be shown later, the exact dividing line between the influence of inheritance and the influence of environment or training is subject to dispute, but every one who has investigated the facts carefully admits that the former has some influence. Mental and moral Mental and moral inheritance from near ancestry is a fact."
p. 41-2: "The study of mental and moral heredity is thus the study of the greater resemblance or less difference of related than of unrelated individuals."
Interacties schrijft Thorndike ook maar toe aan erfelijkheid.
p. 44, sectie onderwijs: 'The inluence of education'. "To what extent the differences that come to exist amongst individuals are to be attributed to differences in their nurture, is known uncertainly, if at all."
p. 48 "Each nature in some measure selects its own environment, and each nature may get from an environment a different influence, so that the relative achievements of, say, the boys who this year begin school in America, will probably be more closely parallel to their relative original talents and interests than to their relative advantages in home and school environment."

Let wel, dit boekje staat vol met beweringen, het gaat niet om resultaten van serieus wetenschappelijk onderzoek (waarvoor Thorndike ook bekend staat). Invloedrijk? Enorm.

Die laatste opmerking moet ik terugnemen. Thorndike beschikt wel over resultaten van onderzoek, ik moet daar beter naar kijken. Dit boekje is een #sleutelpublicatie. Het lijkt qua strekking verdraaid veel op 'Blueprint' van Robert Plomin. Dat geeft te denken.

p. 49-50 "Each original nature has so great power of selecting and avoiding the forces of social and educational environment that the fundamental powers, interests, and ideals of such men are largely determined before they are born."

De opvattingen van Thorndike zijn dan nog genuanceerd, vergeleken met Harvard President Charles William Eliot, 1901, (via Clifford, p. 333) (p. 409 in 'Educational reform'):

"There is no such thing as equality of gifts, or powers, or faculties, among either children or adults. On the contrary, there is the utmost diversity ; and education and all the experience of life increase these diversities, because school, and the earning of a livelihood, and the reaction of the individual upon his surroundings, all tend strongly to magnify innate diversities. The pretended democratic school with an inflexible programme is fighting not only against nature, but against the interests of democratic society."

De eerdere verwijzing naar Leibniz kan ik niet plaatsen. Leibniz is in debat met Locke, over de aard van ideeën, 'blank slate' enz. Dat is een nature/nurture debat dat niet direct raakt aan individuele verschillen in zoiets als intelligentie. Ook bij Steven Pinker geen succes.

Thorndike is er rotsvast van overtuigd dat verschillen in intelligentie genetisch zijn bepaald, al zal de verschijningsvorm ervan natuurlijk afhangen van welke omgevingen er beschikbaar zijn (hier komt zijn connectionisme bij kijken)

Thorndike weet heel goed, en anders zou hij het van Galton hebben geleerd, dat overerving van ouders op kinderen geen deterministisch mechanisme is: broertjes en zusjes zijn geen klonen, zeg maar. Dus zowel de omgeving (nurture) als de genetica (nature) zorgen voor spreiding.

Een andere manier om hetzelfde te zeggen: de empirische data zullen dus rommelig zijn, en hoe kun je dan uit die rommelige data concluderen dat vooral erfelijkheid bepalend is voor later intellectueel en moreel gedrag? Veel ruimte dus voor ideologische vooringenomenheid.

Thorndike lijkt er geen moeite mee te hebben. In dit boekje drukt hij zijn rotsvaste overtuiging uit dat verschillen in intellectuele capaciteiten groot zijn, dat ze genetisch bepaald zijn, en dat het van het grootste belang is dat het onderwijs op die verschillen inspeelt.

Het mooie is dat de intelligentietest die verschillen meet. Onderwijs wordt maakbaar. Bingo. Dat is bijna als twee druppels water ook de ideologie die Robert Plomin in zijn 'Blueprint' (en het eerdere 'G is for genes') uitdrukt.

Ik vind in de biografie van Collins geen aanwijzingen voor debat tussen Thorndike en wetenschappers die er bepaald anders over denken. Toch staat tegenover de erfelijkheidskampioenen het kamp van al even fanatieke omgevingskampioenen (environmentalists). Verder zoeken maar.

"I agree with you that there is a natural aristocracy among men. The grounds of this are virtue and talents ... For experience proves, that the moral and physical qualities of man, whether good or evil, are transmissible in a certain degree from father to son."

(Jefferson, 1813)

Citaat is uit Pinker The blank slate p. 145; karakteristiek voor de intellectuele elite 19e eeuw? Thomas Jefferson, de man van de 'Declaration of Independence'. "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal." De gelijkheid is gelijkheid voor de wet.

Ho, wacht. Stephen Jay Gould's The mismeasure of man heeft een uitgebreid hoofdstuk over precies mijn thema: 'The hereditarian theory of IQ, an American invention'. Dat begint met een uitgebreide behandeling van werk van de held Alfred Binet, wiens werk verkracht is in de VS. Gould p. 153 citeert Binet: 'This is a child who will never amount to anything ... he is poorly endowed ... he is not intelligent at all.' How often have I heard these imprudent words. (1909, p. 100, v

Gould laat uitvoerig zien hoe de opvattingen van Binet over intelligentie, zijn test, en het gebruik van zijn test haaks staan op de toepassing van intelligentietests enkele decennia later in de VS. Lees het bij Binet zelf na, al besteed je er maar vijf minuten aan. Zonder te vervallen in het radicalisme van het environmentalism biedt Binet sterke argumenten tegen opvattingen zoals die van Edward Thorndike die in de VS dominant worden. Maar de VS gebruikte wel de test, niet de inzichten van Binet. Ook wij zitten daar vandaag de dag nog steeds mee.

O ja, de juist geciteerde 'onvoorzichtige woorden'zijn die van onderwijzers die Binet heeft ontmoet. Het citaat in de eerste tweet van deze draad heeft dus een al zeer oude voorgeschiedenis.

Ik heb een belangrijk deel van de geschiedenis van het begrip intelligentie nu wel voor ogen. In zekere zin begint en eindigt het bij Alfred Binet. Chapeau voor Alfred: het ware te wensen dat zijn inzichten het onderwijs hadden doordrongen. Helaas, dat mocht niet zo zijn.

Of verschillen in intelligentie vooral erfelijk zijn bepaald, of juist niet, wat doet dat ertoe voor onderwijs? Precies. Breng alle leerlingen op hoog basisniveau. Geef zó les dat binnen die les verschillen in intelligentie nauwelijks een rol spelen. Dat kan. #level_playfield

Ik heb nog een paar stapels literatuur voor me liggen, er zal best wel iets aan te vullen zijn op het bovenstaande schema (een elite die zich vleit met erfelijkheid van hun morele besef en intelligentie; een bijzonder Frans testje; hoe dat, gemengd, in de VS ontploft; gevolgen).

Over Thorndike & intelligentie een informatieve analyse in Karier 1986 'The individual, society, and education. A history of American educational ideas'170-6 hier In Google in zijn geheel te lezen, erg fijn. De sectie over Watson volgt er meteen op: 'Behavioral engineering'. John B. Watson was over intelligentie een tegenpool van Thorndike: social radicalism vs social conservatism.

Zowel Binet als Thorndike verbinden consequenties aan de betekenis die zij verschillen in intelligentie geven. Binet vindt dat iedere leerling goed onderwijs moet krijgen, ongeacht die verschillen (die immers door omstandigheden ontstaan kunnen zijn). Thorndike past het onderwijs juist aan die verschillen aan omdat zij voor hem genetisch bepaald zijn. Minder intelligent? Jammer dan. Minder intelligenten voortgezet onderwijs geven, daar moet je bij Thorndike niet mee aankomen. En dat onderwijs groeit juist hard, begin 20e eeuw.

Voor een oordeel van hedendaagse intelligentie-experts over het werk van Binet, zie Linda Jarvin & Robert J. Sternberg (2003). 'Alfred Binet's contributions as a paradigm for impact in psychology', Chapter 3 in B. J. Zimmerman & D. H. Schunk (Eds.). 'Educational psychology: A century of contributions' here:

Once again, it is important to remember that Binet did not view intelligence as an entity fixed at birth, but rather, as incremental. It is precisely because of the elastic nature of intelligence and the possibility of developing it through education that children with specific needs, who were not totally benefiting from the regular school system, needed to be identified and to be given the special education that would help them develop their intellectual abilities. This, however, was not the belief of the "Galtonian" researchers who imported Binet's instrument to the United States and Great Britain.

Interessant om dit hfdst. over Binet door te kijken (Google geeft meerdere blz.); omdat Binet een grensverleggend psycholoog was, en vooral omdat zijn werk over intelligentie zo verkracht is in de VS.

Do you know by now what 'intelligence'is? Other psychologists stole the intelligence test from Binet, and turned it upside down. With Binet, his intelligence test was just a pragmatic amalgam of items asking for 'higher order'thinking, explicitly independent of school learning.

Binet's was a diagnostic test for identifying feebleminded pupils who might be much better of in special education, giving them a chance to catch up yet with 'normal'pupils. With Binet, intelligence was not evolutionarily/genetically fixed; on the contrary, it was malleable. `

Binet's testing procedure was remarkably careful. 1) The teacher furnished his estimates of the intelligence of the pupils, based on their achievements in school, 2) the children were assessed on their mastery of school stuff, 3) strictly independent from 1) and 2) (to prevent any bias) children were tested on their intelligence and observed how they went about answering the questions. Contrast that careful procedure with the carelessness nowadays in testing school children on intellectual abilities!

Yes, intelligence is what the intelligence test measures, Binet said so. Intelligence is not a thing; it is not a once and for all given characteristic of the child; it might be partly heritable but why bother with heritability? Intelligence is an achievement, it grows.

For further developments in de US regarding intelligence testing (esp. the SAT), see f.e. Nicholas Lemann (1999). 'The big test. The secret history of the American meritocracy' Its author interviewed: here sporting Binet in the very first sentence. Informative.

I have left out any mention of eugenics, on purpose. For that sinister side of the story see Daniel J. Kevles (1985). In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity Knopf. info

Question: 'Ben, you seem to imply that the American testing industry (ETS, SAT, ACT) has it all wrong. Can that possibly be true?'. Yes, it can. Proof of that possibility: the even more serious eugenics disaster. Dutch school exams have become a kind of aptitude tests, also.

The idea of 'aptitude'has a history also. An accidental find: 'Essentialist ideology. Its origins and its scientific form, the theory of natural aptitudes' [Ch. 1 in Noelle Bisseret (1979) 'Education, class language and ideology'. Section captions:

Nice to see a plan come together. In a nutshell Bisseret's is the story told in this thread, in terms of 'aptitude'. The chapter starts at p. 6. In Google most pages of this chapter by Bisseret can be read: here On self-serving theories of men like Galton. A quote from Kevles ['In the name of eugenics'], p. 4:

"And had he [Galton] been more self-aware he might have understood that his proto-eugenic pronouncements celebrated the social milieu—and met the psychic needs—of Francis Galton"
131: "To say that the scores, taken together, indicated something called general intelligence, Brigham concluded, was to indulge in 'psychophrenology', to confuse the test name—e.g., 'verbal'—with the reality of the trait, and to misidentify the summed traits with intelligence."
Carl Brigham, 1923 proponent of IQ testing and eugenics, had become a sceptic in 1930. Kevles: "The more he studied the data, the more he came to believe the tests .. measured only how well the examinee did on a particular examination." Intelligence = just what the test measures.
Yet another quote: ".. the British had their class, if not ethnic, differences, and neither psychologists nor educators were on the whole disposed to query what they believed in their bones to be true—that the lower classes were on the average less intelligent than the upper."

In The Netherlands, 1969, Jos Aarts, 'Beknopt leerboek der algemene didactiek'p. 215. Oordeel zelf:

"De onderwijzer zal bij zijn onderwijs met de verschillende aanleg en begaafdheid rekening moeten houden. Als zodanig is het voor hem tot op zekere hoogte gelijk of deze verschillen veroorzaakt worden door aangeboren aanlegfactoren of door milieuverschillen. In beide gevallen ligt het ontstaan van deze verschillen zo goed als geheel buiten de mogelijkheid van de beïnvloeding door de pedagoog. Hij heeft deze verschillen te aanvaarden."

Another Brigham quote, cited in John B. Carroll 1982 'The measurement of intelligence' [in Robert J. Sternberg Handbook of human intelligence], p. 63:

"The testing movement came to this country some twenty-five years ago accompanied by one of the most serious fallacies in the history of science, namely, that the tests measured 'native intelligence' purely and simply without regard to training or schooling. I hope nobody believes that now. The test scores very definitely are a composite including schooling, family background, familiarity with English, and everything else, relevant and irrelevant. The 'native intelligence'hypothesis is dead."

[Downey 1961 'Carl Campbell Brigham: scientist and educator.'ETS., niet online]

Brigham, by the way, originated the SAT, the Scholastic Aptitude Test of CEEB (first used in 1937, admissions Ivy League universities).

Carroll not online, but I got a surprise: A recent reader on intelligence is available for reading online, wow! Robert J. Sternberg (Ed.) (2018). The nature of human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. https://tinyurl.com/yx4j88y5 & at archive.org

That is one of the difficulties: having intelligence tests does not necessarily mean that 'intelligence'has any real existence.

If there is a need to talk about 'intelligence', my preferred description is this. Intelligence grows with every extra year of education. see here Therefore, let's begin with saying intelligence is an abstract kind of educational achievement.

Phillip L. Ackerman (2014). Nonsense, common sense, and science of expert performance: Talent and individual differences Intelligence, 45: 6-17. DOI: 10.1016/j.intell.2013.04.009 pdf

Expertise and individual differences: the search for the structure and acquisition of experts'superior performance K. Anders Ericsson WIREs Cogn Sci 2017, 8:e1382. doi: 10.1002/wcs.1382 temp. open access

John B. Carroll (1997). Psychometrics, intelligence, and public perception. Intelligence, 24, 25-52. pfdf

Large Cross-National Differences in Gene x Socioeconomic Status Interaction on Intelligence Elliot M. Tucker-Drob, Timothy C. Bates First Published December 15, 2015 Research Article Psychological Science abstract & pdf

Joseph L. French & Robert L. Hale (1990). A History of the Development of Psychological and Educational Testing, pp 3-28 in Cecil R. Reynolds & Randy W. Kamphaus Handbook of psychological and educational assessment of children: intelligence and achievement London: The Guilford Press. 089862391X info

"Among the most unfortunate factors in the history of intellectual assessment and the testing movement were the well-documented prejudicial attitudes of Terman and Goddard. ... Through the influence of these men and others, the original intent of Binet (to identify and assist children who were in need of special educationalservices) was frequently changed to one of ranking=ordering children. Children who obtained very low scores on measures of intellectual development were often denied any opportunity for an educational experience. This denial of service only ended recently with the PARC v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania decision in 1972. Thislegal decision became the basis for Public Law 94-142, the Education for all Handicapped Children Act (1975), which established the right of all children to an appropriate edcation. Because mentally retarded children could not be denied educational programs, the decision put an end to one of the major misuses of the IQ."

[p. 11]pdf van 2003 editie p 22

In het dagelijks spraakgebruik heeft 'intelligentie'vele betekenissen, maar in het onderwijs bedoelen we er meestal mee wat intelligentietests meten. Maar wat meten die tests dan? Bekend is de definitie van Edward Boring, 1923: 'Intelligentie is wat de intelligentietests testen.'[ bron. In 2014 herhalen Amsterdamse onderzoekers die stelling (https://tinyurl.com/vrnfpyk). Minstens zo interessant is dat de ontwikkelaar van de eerste intelligentietest, Alfred Binet, ook zo denkt over wat zijn intelligentietest test.

Binet's test om leerlingen op te sporen die baat zouden hebben bij speciaal onderwijs was een sprong voorwaarts in de psychologie. Wat zou er gebeurd zijn als hij die test anders had genoemd? Nu zitten we opgescheept met het idee van intelligentie alsof het iets is dat bestaat.

De infrastructuur groeit hard, de tijd wordt gelijkgeschakeld, dorpen raken verbonden met steden en metropolen. Het platteland moet de taal van de metropool leren. Tegen de verdrukking van locale elites in (ze houden boeren liever dom en arm) komen er scholen, en leerplicht.

Leerplicht houdt in dat schoolklassen worden gevormd met kinderen van gelijke leeftijd: verschillen tussen leerlingen worden dan wel heel erg zichtbaar, en sommige leerlingen blijken niet met de groep mee te kunnen. Dat probleem wilde Binet graag aanpakken.

De vooruitgang in die negentiende eeuw sloeg vooral neer bij de maatschappelijke bovenlaag; maatschappelijke ongelijkheid werd waarschijnlijk vooral groter. Die ongelijkheid werd aanvankelijk nog vooral gezien als een van God gegeven maatschappelijke ordening; lekker makkelijk.

De negentiende eeuw ging ook zorgen voor wie zich niet zelf kon redden, en bouwde een kostbare infrastructuur van psychiatrische inrichtingen. Die verschillen tussen normale en abnormale mensen zochten om verklaringen.

Zoals ook verschillen tussen geniale en normale mensen. Daar komt nog bij dat de Franse revolutie met zijn gelijkheidsideaal een gepasseerd station was. In de burgerlijke samenleving van de 19e eeuw waren sommigen meer gelijk dan anderen, en dat werd bijvoorbeeld in Frankrijk meritocratisch gelegitimeerd: niet iedereen was immers even geschikt. Al die ongelijkheid kreeg in die negentiende eeuw een onverwachte wetenschappelijke verklaring en dus in de ogen van de elite ook een rechtvaardiging. Als de ongelijkheid in de samenleving het resultaat is van evolutie, dan is die ongelijkheid een natuurlijk gegeven waar de mens maar beter niets aan kan veranderen. God ingeruild voor de natuur, zo eenvoudig gaat dat.

In dat krachtenveld werkte Alfred Binet, die aanvankelijk een aanhanger was van de phrenologie Veel psychologen waren ijverig op zoek naar wat mensen verschillend maakte, Galton benutte zelfs kermissen om mensen te verleiden allerlei testjes bij hem af te leggen.

In psychologische laboratoria werd van alles en nog wat benut om er testjes over te maken — lichamelijke kemerken, spierkracht, scherpte van de waarneming — en dat schoot helemaal niet op. Alfred Binet doorbrak dat: in plaats van allerlei eenvoudige proefjes ging hij juist vragen op een hoger cognitief niveau stellen, een gouden greep. Stephen Gould heeft het goed beschreven in zijn 'The mismeasure of man'(hoofdstuk 5); of lees Binet zelf, in Engelse vertaling hier.

Binet noemde zijn test dan wel 'intelligentietest', maar voor hem was intelligentie slechts een verzamelnaam voor tal van cognitieve vermogens. Intelligentie was voor hem niet een bestaand ding, en hij benadrukte juist dat die cognitieve vermogens in de loop van de jaren groeien en zeker ook te vormen zijn door onderwijs. Daar was het hem juist om te doen: zwakbegaafde leerlingen die geen baat hadden bij normaal onderwijs, zouden in speciaal onderwijs hun achterstanden mogelijk in kunnen lopen. Binet is mijn held.

Maar wat gebeurt er: binnen de kortste keren maakt zijn test furore in de V.S., in handen van psychologen als Edward Thorndike en Stephen Goddard. Thorndike is een reusachtig onderwijsvernieuwer geweest, alle respect, maar wat intelligentie betreft was hij er fanatiek van overtuigd dat verschillen vooral erfelijk vast lagen. Onderwijs moest in zijn visie dus aangepast worden aan het intelligentieniveau van leerlingen. En vooral moest aan minder intelligente leerlingen iedere vorm van voortgezet onderwijs worden onthouden. Het is Alfred Binet op zijn kop gezet. Binet was in 1911 al overleden, hij kon niets meer weerspreken. Zijn werk kwam in Amerika pas in 1916 in vertaling beschikbaar, het kwaad was al ruimschoots geschied. Het idee van 'intelligentie', snoeihard gemaakt met een wetenschappelijke test, werd onbeschaamd gebruikt om maatschappelijke ongelijkheid te legitimeren. En dat gebeurt tot op de dag van vandaag, met claims van erfelijkheid en al.

Het is erger. In het onderzoek naar erfelijkheid van intellectuele vermogens werd een op individuele verschillen gericht statistisch apparaat ontwikkeld, de psychometrie. Galton was daar een belangrijke grondlegger van. Die statistische methoden gaven een pseudo-wetenschappelijke legitimatie voor al dat testen. En toetsen. En nog steeds, ze zijn het verdienmodel voor de Cito's van deze wereld.

Galton ontwikkelde de correlatiecoëfficiënt: een maat voor de samenhang tussen twee variabelen. En u weet het: een samenhang is nog geen oorzakelijke samenhang. Uit ontelbare onderzoeken blijkt intelligentie samen te hangen met belangrijke uitkomsten in je kunt het zo gek niet bedenken. Maar samenhangen zijn nog geen oorzakelijke verbanden. Het is een sport om in dergelijke onderzoeken 'intelligentie'te vervangen door 'SES'(sociaal-economische situatie), en te zien hoe weinig dat verandert. En al lijken sommige verbanden onwrikbaar, veranderbaar zijn ze altijd, vooral in het onderwijs. Waarom zouden verschillen tussen aankomende leerlingen bepalend moeten zijn voor de verschillen aan het eind van onderwijsloopbanen? That's the question.

"... the standard practice of selecting children and adolescents for future advanced-level education based on the traditional tests of intelligence needs to be reconsidered, given their lack of relation to performance among skilled performers." [Ericsson p. 97]

Brigham is de man die de SAT ontwikkelde (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SAT), eigenlijk een intelligentietest, in 1926 gebruikt voor het toekennen van studietoelagen voor Ivy League universiteiten, en nog steeds een toelatingstest voor selectieve universiteiten in de VS.

Robert J. Sternberg (2020): How Mighty Are the Mitochondria in Causing Individual Differences in Intelligence?—Some Questions for David Geary. Journal of Intelligence open

Richard E. Nisbett, Joshua Aronson, Clancy Blair, William Dickens, James Flynn, Diane F. Halpern, Eric Turkheimer (2012). Intelligence. New Findings and Theoretical Developments. American Psychologist, 67, 130-159 pdf #key_publicatation

David Lubinski (2004). Introduction to the Special Section on Cognitive Abilities: 100 Years After Spearman's (1904) "'General Intelligence,'Objectively Determined and Measured"pdf

p. 98: "Cronbach (1976) ... "In public controversies about tests, disputants have failed to recognize that virtually every bit of evidence obtained with IQs would be approximately duplicated if the same study were carried out with a comprehensive measure of achievement" (p. 211)"

[Cronbach, L. J. (1976). Measured mental abilities: Lingering questions and loose ends. In B. D. Davis & P. Flaherty (Eds.), Human diversity: Its causes and social significance (pp. 207-222). Cambridge, MA: Ballinger. photocopy in box 5, folder 16 in Cronbach Archive:, maar dit is dus geen online archief. ] The book is not available in the Leiden U Library. A review by, of all people, Plomin, Robert Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews, 5/1977, Vol.22(5), pp.401-402 Zoeken maar. Hier: https://cdm15960.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15960coll21
https://cdm15960.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15960coll21/id/64759/rec/1

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Scott Barry Kaufman (2013). Ungifted: Intelligence Redefined. Basic Books. 9780465025541

Richard E. Nisbett (2009). Intelligence and how to get it: Why schools and cultures count. New York, NY: Norton. isbn 9780393065053 [UBL PSYCHO C6.-148 ] info

David C. Geary (2005). The origin of mind. Evolution of brain, cognition, and general intelligence. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. info

James R. Flynn (2007/2009). What Is Intelligence? Beyond the Flynn Effect. Cambridge University Press. isbn 9780521741477

James Flynn (2016). Does your Family Make You Smarter? Nature, Nurture, and Human Autonomy. info

James R. Flynn (2012). Are We Getting Smarter? Rising IQ in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge University Press. isbn 9781107609174 - - 310 blz. pb Bijzondere TEDx-talk TEDx

Keith E. Stanovich (2009). What intelligence tests miss. The psychology of rational thought. Yale University Press. isbn 9780300123852

Robert J. Sternberg & Jean E. Pretz (ds) (2005). Cognition & intelligence. Identifying the mechanisms of the mind. Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521534798

David Wechsler (1997). WAIS-III Wechsler Adault Intelligence Scale derde editie. Nederlandstalige bewerking. Technische handleiding. Swets & Zeitlinger.

Hans J. Eysenck (Ed.) (1973). The measurement of intelligence. Readings selected and comments written by H. J. Eysenck. Lancaster: MTP Medical and Technical Publishing Co. Ltd. SBN 852000596

Robert J. Sternberg & Richard K. Wagner (eds) (1994). Mind in context. Interactionist perspectives on human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521422876

Richard J. Herrnstein & Charles Murray (1994). The Bell curve. Intelligence and class structure in American life. New York: The Free Press. isbn 0029146739

George Rasch (1980). Probabilistic models for some intelligence and attainment tests. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Robert J. Sternberg (1988). The triarchic mind. A new theory of human intelligence. Viking. isbn 0670803642

Robert J. Sternberg (1985). Beyond IQ. A triarchic theory of human intelligence. Cambridge University Press. isbn 0521278910

W. A. F. Hepburn, et al. (chair of Mental Survey Committee) (1933). The intelligence of Scottish children. A national survey of an age-group. University of London Press. [niet in UB Leiden] https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2985299/pdf/eugenrev00290-0075.pdf

Weng-Tink Chooi, Holly E. Long & Lee A. Thompson (2014). The Sternberg Triarchic Abilities Test (Level-H) is a Measure of g. Journal of Intelligence, 2, 56-67. free access

Linda S. Gottfredson (2003). Dissecting practical intelligence theory: Its claims and evidence. Intelligence, 31, 343-397 pdf

Gottfredson accuses Sternberg et al (2000) Practical intelligence in everyday life of sloppy if not misleading reporting of research. Heavy. The abstract shows what I mean.

Situational judgment test research: Informing the debate on practical intelligence theory. McDaniel, Michael A.; Whetzel, Deborah L. Intelligence, Vol 33(5), Sep-Oct 2005, 515-525. doi: 10.1016/j.intell.2005.02.001 abstract and pdf

Jianghong Liu & Richard Lynn (2014). An increase of intelligence in China 1986-2012. Intelligence, 41, 479-481. [Flynn effect] free access

R.J. Sternberg (1999). Intelligence as developing expertise Contemporary Educational Psychology, 24, 359-375.

Een bijzonder interessante constructie van het begrip intelligentie. Dit is niet de enige publicatie waarin Sternberg met dit idee komt.

Prak, J. Luining Prak (1926). Het psychotechnisch onderzoek aan de ambachtsschool te Eindhoven. Mededeelingen van de Dr D. Bos-Stichting (Soiaal-Paedagogisch Instituut) No. 13. Wolters. - papiergebonden, 65 blz.

J. Luning Prak (1948). De polen van het intellect. Scheltema & Holkema's boekhandel en Uitgeversmaatschappij. 247 blz ingenaaid

J. Luning Prak (1952). Tests op school. Groningen: Wolters.

https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1548990377482489857 Psychologen dragen een grote verantwoordelijk voor huidige misvattingen over talenten en intelligentie als aangeboren eigenschappen. Luning Prak, 'De polen van het intellect' (1948): "Op grond van de ieder toebedeelde verstandelijke gaven is een wetenschappelijk verantwoord psychologisch onderzoek naar ieders kansen in school, beroep en maatschappij mogelijk. Daarnaast spelen factoren als opvoeding, milieu, karakter, gezondheid, geluk en tegenslag een belangrijke rol. Maar van het intellect uitgaande vatten wij tegelijkertijd kop en staart van talloze problemen. (...) Dit boek werd door de duitse Sicherheitspolizei verboden en vernietigd." (blz. 6) Jacob Luning Prak was invloedrijk in het onderwijsveld, midden vorige eeuw. Hij schreef o.a. het zeer uitvoerige 'Tests op school'. https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob_Luning_Prak

Ph. M. van der Heijden (1941). De cultureele beteekenis der psychotechniek. Een sociaal-psychologische studie. Wolters. Proefschrift, promotor: Roels. Van der Heijden heeft bij Révész gestudeerd. Hij is zeer gehecht aan het idee dat intelligentie erfelijk is. Tot in het belachelijke aan toe. Onbegrijpelijk, vanuit de 21e eeuw bekeken.

TWEEDE DEEL
HOOFDSTUK V
Het onderzoek naar de intelligentie 91
A. Enkele opmerkingen over de definitie en de bepaling van de intelligentie 91
B. Een vergelijking van onze testresultaten met die der Nederlandsche Legertest 97
C. Het verband tusschen intelligentieniveau en beroep 102

HOOFDSTUK VI
De verhouding tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling 110
Inleiding
A. Het verband tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling in algemeenen zin 111
B. Het verband tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling bij een bepaald intelligentieniveau
120 C. Het verband tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling met betrekking tot het genoten onderwijs
D. Het verband tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling met betrekking tot het uitgeoefende beroep
E. Het verband tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling, be-schouwd van een individueel psychodiagnostisch standpunt . . . 146
F. Samenvatting ......................... 155 G. De practische beteekenis van onze onderzoekingen naar de verhouding tusschen intelligentie en algemeene ontwikkeling 161

HOOFDSTUK VII
Het verband tusschen intelligentie en enkele andere factoren van het psychodiagnostisch onderzoek 181

DERDE DEEL

HOOFDSTUK VIII
Het verband tusschen aanleg en maatschappelijke loopbaan 193
Inleiding 193
A. De individueele verschillen in aanleg bij eenzelfde beroep of functie 190
B. Het verband tusschen aanleg en schoolopleiding 208
C. Het verband tusschen den aanleg en het aantal werkgevers . 231
D. Het verband tusschen aanleg en loonpeil 236
E. Het verband tusschen aanleg en beroepswensch 253

HOOFDSTUK IX
De eugenetische beteekenis van het onderzoek naar den aanleg 264
A. De invloed der erfelijkheid op het niveau van den aanleg . 264
Inleiding 264
1. Het verband tusschen het gemiddelde intelligentieniveau van de vaders uit de verschillende beroepsgroepen en dat van hun kinderen 267
2. Het verschil in aanleg bij personen, wier vaders tot eenzelfde beroepsgroep behooren 275
B. Het verband tusschen aanleg en kindertal 284
C. Het verband tusschen aanleg en werkloosheid 310

HOOFDSTUK X
De cultureele beteekenis der psychotechniek 323
A. Het psychotechnisch onderzoek bij het onderwijs 326
B. Het psychotechnisch onderzoek bij de beroepskeuze 330
C. Het psychotechnisch onderzoek bij de arbeidsbemiddeling 335
D. Hetpsychotechnisch onderzoek in het bedrijfsleven 341

H. J. Eysenck / Leon Kamin (1981). Intelligence: The battle for the mind. Pan Psychology

Jeffrey M. Blum (1978). Pseudoscience and mental ability. Monthly Review Press.

Denny Borsboom, Gideon J. Mellenbergh, and Jaap van Heerden(2003). The Theoretical Status of Latent Variables. Psychological Review Vol. 110, No. 2, 203-219 pdf

Russell T. Warne (Sept 23 2020). The lost intelligence tests. blog

Last year, I co-authored an article with my student where we identified the first known publication of the subtests that appear on the Stanford-Binet 5, the WPPSI-IV, WISC-V, and WAIS-IV (Gibbons & Warne, 2019). Much to our suprise, we found that the majority of subtest formats on these popular intelligence tests were created by 1908.

David C. Geary (2016). Social Competition and the Evolution of Fluid Intelligence. In D. Princiotta, S. Goldstein, & J. Naglieri (Eds.), Handbook of intelligence: Evolutionary theory, historical perspectives, and current concepts (pp. 105-119). New York: Springer. researchgate.net

Elliot M. Tucker-Drop & Timothy C. Bates (2015). Large Cross-National Differences in Gene x Socioeconomic Status Interaction on Intelligence. Psychological Science abstract

Corentin Gonthier, Jacques Grégoire, Maud Besan¸on (2021). No negative Flynn effect in France: Why variations of intelligence should not be assessed using tests based on cultural knowledge. Intelligence, 84 abstract

Elsbeth Stern (2017). Individual differences in the learning potential of human beings. open access

Willem Hofstee, Jos ten Berge en Pieter Drenth (1998). Intelligentie en herkomst. Een normatieve analyse. De Psycholoog, 451-454. [niet online]

J. C. Spitz (1959). De reserve aan hoger intellect in Nederland. Universiteit en Hogeschool, 6, #2, 77-93. [niet online, ik heb een overdrukje]

Bizar om dit nu te lezen. Spitz doet verslag van een onderzoek dat hij bij het CPB deed. Dus toen ook al gekkigheid bij het CPB.

David C. Geary (2020). Mitochondrial Functions, Cognition, and the Evolution of Intelligence: Reply to Commentaries and Moving Forward. J. Intell., 8(4), 42open

Kees-Jan Kan, Hannelies de Jonge, Han L. J. van der Maas, Stephen Z. Levine and Sacha Epskamp (2020). How to Compare Psychometric Factor and Network Models. J. Intell., 8(4), 35; open

John White (). Intelligence, Destiny and Education The ideological roots of intelligence testing (2006). presubmission draft of Intelligence, Destiny and Education academia.edu

Robert J. Sternberg & Judith G. Suben (1986): The socialization of intelligence pp201-236. In Marion Perlmutter (Ed.) (1986). Perspectives on intellectual development. The Minnesota Symposia on Child Psychology LEA. 0898597846

Robert J. Sternberg (2007). Who Are the Bright Children? The Cultural Context of Being and Acting Intelligent. Eucational Researcher abstract & scihub pdf

Sternberg, R. J., Grigorenko, E. L., & Bridglall, B. L. (2007). Intelligence as a socialized phenomenon. In E. W. Gordon & B. L. Bridglall (Eds.), Affirmative development: Cultivating academic ability (p. 49-72). Rowman & Littlefield. abstract

abstract: Our review of various conceptions of educability in the history of the Western world indicates that for over 2,500 years, intellectual leaders have divided education into the manual and the mental, with the assumption that most people would benefit from vocational training and few from the cultivation of intellectual abilities (Kozol, 1991). In this chapter, we support our argument that as a socialized phenomena, intelligence is inherently modifiable, with evidence that (1) the heritability coefficient of intelligence needs to be understood for what it is, not for what it sometimes appears to be (Sternberg and Grigorenko, 1999a, 1999b; Sternberg, Grigorenko and Kidd, 2005); (2) intelligence is a socialized phenomenon (Sternberg and Suben, 1986); and (3) intelligence means different things in different cultures. Again, we are not denying the influence of genetic mechanisms but rather pointing out that they function in more complex and variegated ways than is often believed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

Sternberg, R. J., Grigorenko, E. L., & Bridglall, B. L. (2007). Intelligence as a socialized phenomenon. In E. W. Gordon & B. L. Bridglall (Eds.), Affirmative development: Cultivating academic ability (p. 49-72). Rowman & Littlefield. HISTORICAL CONCEPTIONS OF INTELLIGENCE AND EDUCABILITY The history of man, and in particular, the history of education and theories of educability is marked by a continuous struggle for more and better education for more people. In the battle between the educational "haves" and the "have-nots" (who are usually identified with the economic "haves" and "have-nots"), every gain is countered by another obstacle to the realization of its full benefits. Schwebel, 1968:5 Jencks and Phillips (1998), Miller (1995), Reardon (2003), and others ) document the persistent academic underachievement of many students of color when compared with many of their European and Asian American counterparts. Implicit in these researchers' work is the idea that the current, qualitative state of education for many students of color is plagued by mediocre performance and an exaggerated focus on governance and accountability that is punctuated by some efforts at nurturing academic excellence that is not the norm. Some of the possible explanations for this distressing situation are also elaborated. One of the more deep-seated explanations, however, may be the implicit theory of intelligence that continues to operate among some people in the United States and elsewhere, despite scientific evidence to the contrary: This implicit theory of intelligence suggests that the cognitive ability of those in the lower stratum of society, many African Americans in this instance, is genetically inferior to that of European Americans (Brand, 1996; Herrnstein and Murray, 1994; Jensen, 1998; Rushton and Jensen, 2005; but see Sternberg, 2005; Sternberg, Grigorenko, and Kidd, 2005). This implicit theory concerning the distribution of intel-ligence was also used earlier in the twentieth century to question the cognitive abilities of various immigrant groups in the United States, all of them "white" (Sarason and Doris, 1979). Our review of various conceptions of educability in the history of the Western world indicates that for over 2,500 years, intellectual leaders have divided education into the manual and the mental, with the assumption that most people would benefit from vocational training and few from the cultivation of intellectual abilities (Kozol, 1991). Although the introduction of democratic theories and processes caused some reluctant yielding under great pressure, it also spawned barriers to education based on the rationale that the lower socioeconomic classes are thought to be cognitively limited. 'Ibis implicit theory of the distribution of intelligence was related to, although not necessarily directly resulting from, Plato's categorization of the various socioeconomic classes. One of the modern concomitants of this theory is the intelligence (IQ) test. Although this test is not intrinsically good or bad, when misused or its data misinterpreted it has been shown to negatively impact students' self-expectations and sense of agency in addition to parents' and teachers' expectations (Beaujean, 2005; Resnick, 1979). It is still used by some to rationalize differentiated curriculum and instruction for high-achieving students, usually from high-status groups, and low-quality general or vocational education for those in the lower stratum of society (Schwebel, 2003; Sarich and Miele, 2004). Overreliance on IQ testing and similar measures has led not only to the segregation of high socioeconomic status students from their low socioeconomic status counterparts in different districts across the country, but also to segregation within the same school building, often by socially defined race. That is, based on test scores and some even more questionable indicators, European American students from the higher socioeconomic strata typically are provided with more rigorous curricula and better-prepared teachers than are African-American students from lower socioeconomic strata (Miller, 1995; Sternberg, 2000; College Board, 1999). Some users of these tests maintain the belief that they measure static ability, that is, ability that is fixed and largely unmodifiable from birth. We believe that the prevailing theory of the unmodifiability of abilities is unfounded. Moreover, it contributes to our failure to modify teaching and learning appropriately into effective mechanisms for improving the lot of the many diverse students in this country (Sternberg, 1997). We are not sug-gesting that genetics plays no role in cognitive ability; rather, we assert that genes do not determine absolute boundaries of intelligence for individuals or populations (Martinez, 2000). Relative to the thorny problem of the per-sistent academic achievement gap between majority and minority students, genes apparently play an important role in explaining differences within so-cially defined races, while environment accounts for most of the gap between blacks and whites, leaving relatively little role for genetics (Dickens, 2005). One of the assumptions undergirding the preponderance of views that support environment as explaining some of the differentials in academic achievement between majority and minority students is that certain experi-ences influence what is defined and valued as intelligence in different soci-eties (Sternberg, 2004; Sternberg and Grigorenko, 1997). In the West, these experiences include cognitive stimulation during infancy, early childhood interventions, rigorous and demanding curricula throughout the pre-K-16 continuum, supplementary educational services (i.e., quality health care, adequate nutrition, exposure to travel, music, and art), and meaningful employment (Bridglall and Gordon, 2002; Gordon, Bridglall and Meroe, 2005). Interventions that provide these and other experiences (that are thoughtfully conceived, implemented, and assessed with a view to adapt-ing to changing contexts), can also modify intelligence (Martinez, 2000). In this chapter, we support our argument that as a socialized phenomena, intelligence is inherently modifiable, with evidence that (1) the heritabil-ity coefficient of intelligence needs to be understood for what it is, not for what it sometimes appears to be (Sternberg and Grigorenko, 1999a, 199913; Sternberg, Grigorenko and Kidd, 2005); (2) intelligence is a socialized phenomenon (Sternberg and Suben, 1986); and (3) intelligence means dif-ferent things in different cultures. Again, we are not denying the influence of genetic mechanisms but rather pointing out that they function in more complex and variegated ways than is often believed. HERITABILITY Heritability (also referred to as hl) is the ratio of genetic variation to total variation of an attribute within a population. Thus the coefficient of herita-bility tells us nothing about sources of between-population variation. More-over, the coefficient of heritability does not tell us the proportion of a trait that is genetic in absolute terms, but rather, the proportion of variation in a trait that is attributable to genetic variation within a specific population. Ob-servable trait variation in a population is referred to as phenotypic variation, whereas genetic variation in a population is referred to as genotypic varia-tion. Heritability is a ratio of genotypic variation to phenotypic variation. Heritability has a complementary concept, that of environmentality. Envi-ronmentality is a ratio of environmental variation to phenotypical variation. Both heritability and environmentality apply to populations, however, not to individuals. There is no way of estimating heritability for an individual, nor is the concept meaningful for individuals. Consider a trait that has a heritability of .70; it is nonsense to say that the development of the trait in an individual is 70 percent genetic. Rather, this figure means that 70 percent of the variation in a trait within a population appears to be due to genetic factors, including, in broad heritability, gene-environment covariation. Heritability is typically expressed on a 0 to 1 scale, with a value of 0 indi-cating no heritability whatsoever (i.e., no genetic variation in the trait) and a value of 1 indicating complete heritability (i.e., only genetic variation in the trait). Heritability and environmentality add to unity.' In conjunction, they tell us the proportion of variation in an attribute that appears to be attributable to genetic versus environmental sources of variation within a population. Thus, if IQ has a heritability of .50 within a certain population, then 50 percent of the variation in scores on the attribute within that popu-lation is due (in theory) to genetic influences. This statement is completely different from the statement that 50 percent of the attribute is inherited. An important implication of these facts is that heritability is not tanta-mount to genetic influence. An attribute could be highly genetically influ-enced and have little or no heritability. The reason is that heritability de-pends on the existence of individual differences. If there are no individual differences, there is no heritability (because there is a 0 in the denominator of the ratio of genetic to total trait variation in a given population). For - 467 • -■ • example, being born with two eyes is 100 percent under genetic control (except in the exceedingly rare case of severe dismorphologies, which we do not address here). Regardless of the environment into which one is born, a human being will have two eyes. But it is not meaningful to speak of the heritability of having two eyes, because there are no individual differences. Heritability in this case is not 1: It is meaningless and cannot be sensibly calculated.2 Consider a second, complementary example: occupational sta-tus. It has a statistically significant heritability coefficient associated with it (Plomin, DeFries, and McClearn, 1990), but it certainly is not under direct genetic control. Clearly there is no gene or set of genes for occupational status. How can it be heritable, then? Heredity can affect certain factors that in turn lead people to occupations of higher or lower status. Thus, if things like intelligence, personality, and interpersonal attractiveness are under some degree of genetic control, they may lead in turn to differences in occu-pational status. The effects of genes are at best indirect (Block, 1995). Other attributes, such as divorce, may run in families, that is, show familiality, but again, they are not under direct genetic control; in fact, the familiality may be because they are culturally "inherited." Ileritability Can Vary within a Given Population I leritability is not a fixed value for a given attribute. Although we may read about "the heritability of IQ" (e.g., I lerrnstein and Murray, 1994), there re-ally is no single fixed value that represents any true, constant value for the heritability of IQ or anything else, as Herrnstein and Murray (1994) and most others in the field (e.g., Bouchard, 1997) recognize. Heritability de-pends on many factors, but the most important one is the range of environ-ments. Because heritability represents a proportion of variation, its value will depend on the amount of variation. As Herrnstein (1973) pointed out, if there were no variation in environments, heritability would be perfect, because there would be no other source of variation. li there is wide varia-tion in environments, however, heritability is likely to decrease. When one speaks of heritability, one needs to remember that genes always operate within environmental contexts. All genetic effects occur within a reaction range, so that, inevitably, diverse environments will have differential effects on the same genetic structure. The reaction range is the range of phenotypes (observable effects of genes) that a given genotype (latent structure of genes) for any particular attribute can produce, given the interaction of environment with that genotype. For example, genotype sets a reaction range for the possible heights a person can attain, but childhood nutrition, disease, and many other factors affect the adult height that is real-ized. Moreover, if different genotypes react differently to the environmental variation, heritability will show differences depending on the mean and variance in relevant environments (Lewontin, 1974). Thus, the statistic is not a fixed value. There are no pure genetic effects on behavior, as would be shown dramatically if a child were raised in a small closet with no stimula-tion. Genes express themselves through covariation and interaction with the environment, as discussed below. Heritability and Modifiability Because the value of the heritability statistic is relevant only to existing cir-cumstances, it does not and cannot address a trait's modifiability. A trait could have zero, moderate, or even total heritability and, in any of these conditions, be not at all, partially, or fully modifiable. The heritability statistic deals with correlations, whereas modifiability deals with mean effects. Correlations, however, are independent of score levels. For example, adding a constant to a set of scores will not affect the correlation of that set with another set of scores. Consider height as an example of the limitation of the heritability sta-tistic in addressing modifiability. Height is highly heritable, with a heritability of over .90. Yet height also is highly modifiable, as shown by the fact that aver-age heights have risen dramatically throughout the past several generations. As an even more extreme example, consider phenylketonuria (Pal). PKU is a genetically determined, recessive condition that arises due to a mutation in a single gene on chromosome 12 (with a heritability of 1), and yet its effects are highly modifiable. Feeding an infant with Pal a diet free of phenylalanine prevents the mental retardation that otherwise would become obvious. This type of mental retardation was once incorrectly thought to be purely genetic, but it is not. Rather, the mental retardation associated with Pal is the result of the interaction with an environment (a "normal" diet) in which the infant ingests phenylalanine. Take away the phenylalanine and you reduce the level of, or in optimal cases, eliminate mental retardation. Note that the genetic endowment does not change; the infant still has a mutant gene causing phenylketonuria. What changes is the manifestation of its associated symptoms in the environment. Similarly, with intelligence or any other trait, we cannot change (at least based on our knowledge today) the genetic structure underlying manifestations of intel-ligence, but we can change those manifestations, or expressions of genes in the environment. Thus, knowing the heritability of a trait does not tell us anything about its modifiability. Within-population Effects versus Between-population Effects One of the worst intellectual slips that has been made by investigators of heredity and environment (or rather, most often, by interpreters of find-ings on heredity and environment) is to generalize the effects of within-population studies between populations. For example, some investigators have made attributions about effects of racial or ethnic group differences on the basis of behavior-genetic studies (1-lermstein and Murray, 1994), even while admitting that such conclusions are sometimes flawed. All of the behavior-genetic designs in the studies noted above can ascertain ef-fects of genetic variation only within populations. For example, they may tell us something about the extent to which individual differences in the measured intelligence of people in a particular group are associated with genetic factors. They say nothing about sources of between-population dif-ferences in levels of measured intelligence. Lewontin (1972, 1982) illustrated the impossibility of making between-population claims from within-population data. In a study using a set of protein markers (blood groups, serum proteins, and red blood cell enzymes) as indicators of genetic differences between populations, Lewontin estimated that roughly 85 percent of the genetic variance occurs between any two individuals within any socially identified racial group, roughly 9 percent occurs among different populations within a socially identified race, and only the remaining 6 to 7 percent occurs between socially identified races. Other researchers arrived at the same conclusions using more powerful p. 55 niet weergegeven in Google. dance. The true genetic nature of humans is far from being defined. What is absolutely clear is that genes do not act in a vacuum; they act in the envi-ronment, and their actions can be altered by the environment. Thus, what are sometimes viewed as genetic differences between groups actually reflect socialization differences (Sternberg, 2004; Sternberg and Suben, 1986). I low is intelligence socialized? INTELLIGENCE IS SOCIALIZED Below we examine a number of factors regarding how intelligence is social-ized. Children Develop Contextually Important Skills That May Be More Relevant to One Context Than to Another. Many times, investigations of intelligence conducted in settings out-side the developed world can yield a picture of intelligence that is quite at variance with that obtained from studies conducted only in the de-veloped world. In a study conducted in Usenge, Kenya (near the town of Kisumu), Sternberg, Grigorenko and their colleagues devised and administered a test of practical intelligence in adaptation to the environ-ment to examine school-age children's ability to adapt to their indig-enous environment (Sternberg and Grigorenko, 1997; Sternberg et al., 2001). Their test of practical intelligence measured children's informal tacit knowledge of natural herbal medicines that they and the villagers believe can be used to fight various types of infections. Sternberg and his colleagues found that the village children used their knowledge of these medicines an average of once a week in medicating themselves and oth-ers. This knowledge appears to be essential since more than 95 percent of the children suffer from parasitic illnesses. Consequently, tests of how to use these medicines constitute effective measures of one aspect of practi-cal intelligence as defined by the villagers relative to the contexts of their life circumstances. Middle-class Westerners may find it a challenge to thrive or even survive in these contexts, or for that matter, in the contexts of urban ghettos that are often not far from their comfortable homes. They would not know, for example, how to use any of the natural herbal medicines to treat the diverse and abundant parasitic illnesses they may acquire in rural Kenya. Sternberg, Grigorenko, and their colleagues measured the Kenyan children's ability to identify the medicines, where they come from, what they are used for, and how they are dosed. Based on work they have done elsewhere, they expected that scores on this test would not correlate with scores on conventional tests of intelligence. In order to test this hypothesis, they administered the Raven Coloured Progressive Matrices lest (Raven, Court, and Raven, 1992), a measure of fluid or abstract-reasoning-based abilities, and the Mill Hill Vocabulary Scale (Raven, et al., 1992), a mea-sure of crystallized or formal-knowledge-based abilities, to their sample of eighty-five children. Additionally, they gave the children a comparable test of vocabulary in their own language, Dholuo, which is spoken in the home, while English is spoken in the schools. As expected, these researchers did not find a correlation between the test of indigenous tacit knowledge and scores on the fluid-ability tests. To their surprise, however, they found sta-tistically significant correlations of the tacit-knowledge tests with the tests of crystallized abilities. The correlations, nevertheless, were negative. "That is, the higher the children scored on the test of tacit knowledge, the lower they scored, on average, on the tests of crystallized abilities. Although this surprising result can be interpreted a number of ways, the ethnographic observations of the anthropologists on their team (P. Wenzel Geissler and Ruth Prince) led to these scholars' collective conclusion that a plausible interpretation takes family expectations for their children into account. Apparently, many children, for financial or other reasons, drop out of school before graduation. Some of the reasons for this practice may hinge on the low value placed on Western schooling by many families in the village. From the perspective of the villagers, there are not many viable reasons to revere Western schooling. A contextual analysis by Sternberg, Grigorenko, and their colleagues suggest that there is no reason Western schooling should be valued since the children of many families will for the most part spend their lives farming or engaged in other occupations that make little or no use of Western schooling. Indeed, these families prefer that their children are taught the indigenous informal knowledge that they believe will help them to successfully adapt to the environments in which they will really live. Children who spend their time learning the indigenous practical knowledge of the community generally do not invest themselves heavily in doing well in school; whereas children who do well in school generally do not invest themselves as heavily in learning the indigenous knowledge—hence the negative correlations. 'the Kenya study suggests that the identification of a general factor of human intelligence may tell us more about how abilities interact with pat-terns of schooling and society and especially Western patterns of schooling and society than it does about the structure of human abilities. In Western schooling, children typically study a variety of subject matters from an early age and thus develop skills in a variety of skill areas. This kind of school-ing prepares these children to take a test of intelligence, which typically measures skills in a variety of areas. Often intelligence tests measure skills that children were expected to acquire a few years before taking the intel- ligence test. But as Rogoff (1990, 2003) and others have noted, this pattern of schooling is not universal and has not even been common for much of the history of humankind. Throughout history and in many places still, schooling, especially for boys, takes the form of apprenticeships in which children learn a craft from an early age. They learn what they will need to know in order to succeed in a trade, but not a lot more. They are not simul-taneously engaged in tasks that require the development of the particular blend of skills measured by conventional intelligence tests. I lence it is less likely that one would observe a general factor in their scores, much as we discovered in Kenya. Almost thirty-five years ago, Vernon (1971) pointed out that the axes of a factor analysis do not necessarily reveal a latent struc-ture of the mind but rather represent a convenient way of characterizing the organization of mental abilities. Vernon (1971) believed that there was no one "right" orientation of the axes, and that mathematically, an infinite number of orientations of axes can be fitted to any solution in an explor-atory factor analysis. This important point seems to have been forgotten or at least ignored by later theorists. Children May Have Substantial Practical Skills That Go Unrecognized in Academic Tests. The context-specificity of intellectual performance does not apply only to countries far removed from North America or Europe. One can find the same on these continents, as Grigorenko and her colleagues (Grigorenko, Meier, Lipka, Mohatt, Yanez, and Sternberg, 2004) did in their studies of Yup'ik Eskimo children in southwestern Alaska. In this study, these research-ers assessed the importance of academic and practical intelligence in rural and urban Alaskan communities. The practical skills of the 261 students in the sample were rated by adults or peers in the study. (Sixty-nine of the stu-dents were in grade 9; 69 were in grade 10; 45 in grade 11; and 37 in grade 12. With respect to gender and location, 145 females and 116 males came from 7 different communities, 6 rural and 1 relatively urban.) Grigorenko and her colleagues measured academic intelligence with conventional mea-sures of fluid and crystallized intelligence and practical intelligence with a test of tacit knowledge (as acquired in rural Alaskan Yup'ik communities). Although the urban children generally outperformed the rural children on a measure of crystallized intelligence, the rural children generally outper-formed the urban children on the measure of Yup'ik tacit knowledge. The test of tacit knowledge was superior to the tests of academic intelligence in predicting the practical skills of the rural children (for whom the test was created), but not of the urban ones. Similar to the Kenya study cited above, this study suggests the importance of practical intellectual skills for predict-ing adaptation to everyday environments. These and other studies done by Sternberg, Grigorenko, and colleagues examined whether similar results can be found in cultures that are urban and somewhat less remote from the kinds of cultures familiar to many readers. Dynamic Testing May Reveal Cognitive Skills not Revealed by Static Testing. Dynamic testing is similar to conventional static testing in that students are tested and inferences about their abilities are nude. But dynamic testing dif-fers in that children are given some kind of feedback in order to help them improve their performance. This strategy emphasizes the formative use of testing to promote deep conceptual understanding and mastery of concepts that make up a discipline. This approach should ideally result in substan-tive knowledge and skill development. Vygotsky (1978) suggested that students' ability to profit from the guided instruction they receive during a testing situation could serve as a measure of children's zone of proximal development (ZPD), or the difference between their developed abilities and their latent capacities. In other words, testing and instruction are considered symbiotic rather than distinct processes. This integration makes sense rela-tive to traditional definitions of intelligence as the ability to learn (Sympo-sium on intelligence and its measurement, 1921; Sternberg and Detterman, 1986). Testing dynamically directly measures the processes of learning in the context of testing rather than measuring these processes indirectly as the product of past learning. Such measurement is especially important when not all students have had equitable opportunities to learn. A study done in Tanzania (see Sternberg and Grigorenko, 1997, 2002b; Sternberg et al., 2002) points out the risks of giving tests, scoring them, and interpreting the results as measures of some latent intellectual ability or abilities. A form-board classification test (a sorting task), a linear syllogisms test, and a twenty questions test ("find a figure"), which measure the kinds of skills required on conventional tests of intelligence, were administered to 358 school children between the ages of eleven and thirteen years near Bagamoyo, 'Tanzania. Although Sternberg and Grigorenko obtained base-line scores that could be used to analyze, evaluate, and rank the children in terms of their supposed general or other abilities, they administered the tests dynamically rather than statically (Brown and Ferrara, 1985; Feuer-stein, 1979; Grigorenko and Sternberg„ 1998; Guthke, 1993; I laywood and Tzuriel, 1992; Lidz, 1991; Sternberg and Grigorenko, 2002a; Tzuriel, 1995; Vygotsky, 1978). In the assessments, all children in the sample were first given the abil-ity tests, whereupon children in the experimental group were given an intervention while those in the control group were not. The intervention consisted of a brief period of instruction in which children were able to learn skills that could potentially enable them to improve their scores. In the twenty-questions tasks, for example, children were taught how a single true-false question has a 50 percent chance of being correct, and this knowledge could increase the probability of possible correct solutions by half. After the intervention, all children from the experimental and control groups were tested again. The total time for instruction was less than an hour, and Sternberg and his colleagues did not expect dramatic gains. They found, however, that on average, the gains from pretest to posttest in the experimental group were statistically significant and significantly greater than those in the control group.3 Of course, the more important question is not whether the scores changed or even correlated with each other, but rather, how they correlated with other cognitive measures. In other words, was the pretest or the post-test score a better predictor of transfer to other cognitive performances on tests of working memory? 'These scholars found the posttest score to be the better predictor of working memory in the experimental group. Children in the dynamic-testing group improved significantly more than those in the control group. Educability and Learning in Different Cultural Settings Heath (1983) examined language development in three communities (Trackton, lower class black; Roadville, lower class white; and Gateway, middle class white) in the Piedmont Carolinas. It is possible to present here only a fraction of the observations she has made on the effects of the incongruency between what constitutes intelligent behavior from the school's perspective and from the community's perspective in which a given child was raised, but several examples suggest that educability and learning are functions of the characteristics that adhere to specific cultural practices and values. Children in Trackton seem to be at a disadvantage from the school's perspective when they are not able to indicate whether they are present in class. For example, Trackton children did not generally expect adults to ask them questions nor were the children perceived as information-givers or as question-answerers (Heath, 1983:103). As a result, children consider being asked a question strange. For example, when Heath (1983) asked these chil-dren to engage in certain tasks or jobs, the children often protested because they saw no reason for doing these tasks. It appeared that these children particularly have trouble handling indirect requests such as, "It's time to put our paints away now." These unfamiliar kinds of statements may not even be perceived as requests (Heath, 1983: 280). These children also have difficulty with "Why?" questions, possibly because adults in Trackton do not engage children in conversations in which such questions are asked. This practice is in stark contrast to typical middle class upbringing (Heath, 1983:109). In Roadville and Gateway, however, children usually have had consid-erable experience with both direct and indirect requests. Adults also saw themselves as teachers who ask and answer questions including 'Why?" questions (Heath, 1983:129). Differences in these towns were seen in the lack of persistence by Roadville parents in asking and answering their children's questions. Heath (1983) documented that once Roadville chil-dren started school, parents more or less abdicated their role as teachers to the school. From the parents' perspective, their days as teachers were over. Heath suggests that there was an implicit conflict in terms of resource al-location across the three communities she has examined. One of the ways middle class American schools prepare children for a schedule-dominated adulthood is through the expectation that the schools' fairly strict sched-ules will be observed. Place constraints are also equally important. Things are expected to be in their proper place at the proper time. In Trackton, however, Heath (1983) found that the flow of time was casual. There were no timed tasks at home, and few tasks that were even time-linked (Heath, 1983: 275). For example, people ate when they were hungry, and there were few constraints on those parts of the meal that preceded or followed each other. There were few scheduled activities, and routines, such as going to bed, happened at very different times on different days (Heath, 1983: 167). Children from Trackton thus found it difficult to adhere to a schedule that appeared essentially arbitrary and capricious. Timed tests also seemed even stranger than school schedules. These children's impressions concerning timed exams may also be a factor of literally having no experience with be- ing timed in the performance of a cognitive task. Children in Trackton also seemed to have similar difficulties with space allocation. Being told to put things in a certain place had little or no meaning to the Trackton child (I Leath, 1983: 273). Heath suggested that although most of these children put their materials away after use, the place varied from time to time. She speculated that these children had so few possessions that it was generally not a problem finding the object later. Teachers, however, did not understand why Trackton children handled time and space poorly and were thus unfavorable in their judgments when these children started school. Children from Roadville and Gateway had a very different sense of time and place. Roadville parents wanted their children to grow up with a very strict sense of everything having in its time and place (Heath, 1983: 137). In Roadville, even the stories emphasized certain sequences of events in a strict chronological order (Heath, 1983). In Gateway, life was strictly sched-uled, and even babies were expected to adhere to this fairly strict scheduling ( I Leath, 1983: 243). Things had a time and a place. Children were expected to pagina 62 niet beschikbaar Kpelle were completely stymied by a problem in inferential combination that utilized an unfamiliar apparatus, but successfully solved an analogous problem that involved familiar objects (Cole, Gay, Glick, and Sharp, 1971). 'I'he American apparatus consisted of a box with three compartments. When a button was pushed on one of the compartment doors, a marble would be released. Pushing a button on a second door resulted in the release of a ball. Insertion of a marble into a hole in the third door led to the release of a piece of candy. Even though the Kpelle learned how to obtain the item from each compartment individually, they were almost always unable to figure out how to start with nothing and end up with a piece of candy (i.e., by pushing the button to get the marble and then inserting the marble into the hole in the other door). The second version of the problem was con-structed so as to require the identical steps for its solution. In this case, the candy was in a box locked with a red key. Each of two nearby matchboxes contained a key; one key was red, the other, black. To solve this problem, the red key had to be removed from its matchbox and used to unlock the box containing the candy. After learning what the individual containers held, nearly all the Kpelle subjects solved this problem spontaneously. The lack of transfer to the American version of the problem can be attributed to the subjects' failure to compare the problems on a point-by-point basis. Holistically viewed, the American version seemed to be a totally new and different problem. Trackton children's attitudes toward reading in addition to their percep-tion of reading material placed them at additional disadvantage in the school setting. In their community, reading was strictly a group affair. An individual who chose to read on his or her own was viewed as antisocial, while solitary reading was considered for those who were unable to make it in the Trackton social milieu (Heath, 1983). Further, Heath (1983) observed that children had little opportunity to practice reading or to be read to since there were few magazines, books, or other reading materials in Trackton. In contrast, Roadville parents frequently read to their children, especially at night. McDermott (1974) noted that reading is an act that aligns the black child with the wrong forces in the universe of socialization. Whereas reading is a part of the teacher's agenda and a game the teacher wishes the students to play, it is not a part of the black students' agenda and the games they wish to play. Not reading is accepting the peer group's games over the teachers' games, and Trackton children were likely to make just this choice. This behavior in turn may impede the development of literacy skills. Attitudes toward reading were also different in Roadville and Gateway. As indicated above, once children started school, parents in Roadville gener-ally stopped reading to their children, partially because they expected the school to take on this task. Adults encouraged children to watch Sesame Street, one way for the children to pick up reading, but they were not them- 64 selves examples to model. I leath noted that in Roadville, everyone talked about the importance of reading but few people actually engage in it or follow up on what they have read (I leath, 1983: 220). Unlike households in Trackton, Roadville homes did have reading matter such as magazines. Ilowever, the magazines usually piled up unread and were then thrown away in periodic cleanings of the house (I leath, 1983). Attitudes toward reading were also different in Gateway. In this town, children were coached before entering school in both reading and listening behaviors. Children were encouraged to read; learn the structures of stories; and use what they learned in their lives. Crosscultural studies of classification, categorization, and problem-solving behavior illustrate the effects of three processes Sternberg (1985a) has labeled selective encoding, combination, and comparison (see also Davidson and Sternberg, 1984). Selective encoding is at issue in studies of attribute preference in classification tasks. In these tasks, a subject may be shown a red triangle, a blue triangle, and a red square, and asked which two objects belonged together. Western literature shows a consistent develop-mental trend, such that very young children choose color as the decisive (or relevant) stimulus attribute, whereas older children shift their preference to form by age five (Suchmann and Trabasso, 1966). Crosscultural studies, on the other hand, often fail to show this color-to-form shift (Cole et al., 1971). Cole and Scribner (1974) suggest that the preference for form versus color may be linked to the development of literacy (where alphabetic forms acquire tremendous importance), which differs widely across cultures. Luria (1976) provides an illustration of selective combination in a catego-rization task. Shown a hammer, a saw, a log, and a hatchet, an illiterate (by Western standards) Central Asian peasant was asked which three items were similar. 1 le insisted that all four fit together, even when the interviewer suggested that the concept "tool" could be used for the hammer, saw, and hatchet, but not for the log. The subject in this instance combined the fea-tures of the four items that were relevant in terms of his culture and arrived at a functional or situational concept (perhaps one of "things you need to build a hut"). (In his failure to combine the "instrumental" features of the tools selectively into a concept that excluded the log, however, the subject was not performing intelligently—at least, from the perspective of the experimenter's culture.) In many of Luria's studies, the unschooled peasants have great difficulty in solving the problem given them. Often, they appear to be thrown off by an apparent discrepancy between the terms of the problem and what they know to be true. For example, take one of the math problems: From Sha-kimardan to Vuadil it is three hours on foot, while to Fergana it is six hours. I low much time does it take to go on foot from Vuadil to Fergana?" The subject's response to this problem was, "No, it's six hours from Vuadil to pagina 65 niet beschikbaar the United States, however, people's implicit theories of intelligence seem to go beyond what conventional psychometric intelligence tests measure. Studies in Africa also provide another window on the substantial differ-ences in conceptions of intelligence across cultures. Ruzgis and Grigorenko (1994) argued that, in Africa, conceptions of intelligence revolve largely around skills that help to facilitate and maintain harmonious and stable in-tergroup relations. It appears, however, that intragroup relations are probably equally important and may, at times, be more important. For example, Serpell (1974, 1996) found that Chewa adults in Zambia emphasize social responsi-bilities, cooperativeness, and obedience as important to intelligence. Children considered intelligent in this culture are expected to be respectful of adults. Kenyan parents also emphasize responsible participation in family and social life as important aspects of intelligence (Super and I larkness, 1982, 1986, 1993). In Zimbabwe, the word for intelligence, ngware, actually means to be prudent and cautious, particularly in social relationships. Among the Baoule, service to the family and community and politeness toward and respect for elders are considered key to intelligence (Dasen, 1984). It is difficult to separate linguistic differences from conceptual differences in crosscultural notions of intelligence. In Sternberg and Grigorenko's re-search, the investigators used converging operations in order to achieve some separation. That is, they have used different and diverse empirical operations in order to ascertain notions of intelligence. In a given study, they may ask study participants to identify aspects of competence; in another, their sample may be asked to identify competent people; in a third, to characterize the meaning of "intelligence"; and so forth. The emphasis on the social aspects of intelligence is not limited to African cultures. Notions of intelligence in many Asian cultures also emphasize the social aspect of intelligence (more so than does the conventional Western or IQ-based notion lAzuma and Kashiwagi, 1987; Lutz, 1985; Poole, 1985; White, 19850. However, neither African nor Asian notions exclusively em-phasize social notions of intelligence; they also recognize the importance of cognitive aspects. In a study of Kenyan conceptions of intelligence, Grigorenko and her colleagues (2001) found that there were four distinct terms constituting conceptions of intelligence among rural Kenyans—rielzo (knowledge and skills), luoro (respect), winjo (comprehension of how to handle real-life problems), paro (initiative)—with only the first directly referring to knowledge-based skills (including but not limited to academ- ics). This phenomenon can also be found in the United States (Okagaki and Sternberg, 1993). For example, different ethnic groups in San Jose, California, had rather different conceptions of what it means to be intelligent. Latino parents, for instance, tend to emphasize the importance of social-competence skills in their conceptions of intelligence, whereas Asian and Anglo parents tend to focus rather heavily on the importance of cognitive skills. Teachers, Intelligence as a Socialized Phenomenon 67 representing the dominant culture, also emphasized cognitive rather than social-competence skills. The rank order of children from these ethnic groups (including subgroups within the Latino and Asian groups) can be perfectly predicted by the extent to which their parents shared the teachers' conception of intelligence (Okagaki and Sternberg, 1993). That is, teachers tend to reward those children who were socialized into a view of intelligence that happened to correspond to the teachers' own. Comparative studies of intelligence and the history of the study of this social construction suggest that there is considerable plasticity in the devel-opment of the phenomenon that we call intelligence, as well as in prevail-ing conceptions of it. It appears, then, that intelligence is not only a mal-leable phenomenon, but also that the character and quality of the construct may be dependent upon the connotation assigned to it by those who shape it as well as those making the judgment. What is being referred to and the value assigned to it are obviously determined by the cultural and social contexts in which it is developed, expressed, and evaluated. Despite its ap-parent protean status, uninformed debate continues relative to its origins in nature as opposed to nurture as its genesis. More sophisticated students of intelligence and its manifestation as educability agree that the character and quality of mental activity and its product are a function of the interaction between whatever is given in nature of the organism and what is nurtured through experience and environmental encounters. CONCLUSION Intelligence is largely socialized. Even genetic factors play their part through the mediation of socialization. Behavioral genetic and molecu-lar genetic studies, as well as other biologically oriented work, play an important part in understanding intelligence. But reductionist attempts to understand intelligence solely at these levels are bound to fail not be-cause they are wrong, but because they are incomplete. Intelligence is best understood at a multiplicity of levels of analysis, including the interac-tions of those levels with each other. In this chapter, we seek to describe some of the ways in which the interactions may be addressed. 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American Psychologist, 60(1), 46-59. Sternberg, R. J., Grigorenko, E. L., Ngrosho, D., Tantufuye, E., Mbise, A., Nokes, C., Jukes, M., and Bundy, D. A. 2002. Assessing intellectual potential in rural Tanza-nian school children. Intelligence, 30, 141-62. Sternberg, R. J., and Kaufman, J. C. 1998. Human abilities. Annual Review of Psychology, 49, 479-502. Sternberg, R. J., Nokes, K., Geissler, P. W., Prince, R., Okatcha, F., Bundy, D. A., and Grigorenko, E. L 2001. The relationship between academic and practical intel-ligence: A case study in Kenya. Intelligence, 29, 401-418. Sternberg, R. J., and Suben, J. 1986. The socialization of intelligence. In M. Perlmut-ter (Ed.), Perspectives on intellectual development. Vol. 19, Minnesota symposia on child Pagina 72 maakt geen deel uit van dit boekvoorbeeld.

SUSAN Bouregy ; Elena L. Grigorenko ; Stephen R. Latham ; Mei Tan (2017). Genetics, Ethics and Education bestellen atheneum Bringing together experts from the fields of genetics, education, ethics and law alongside parents and laypersons, this volume provides an essential overview of the implications of genomics-influenced educational practice on a range of philosophical, moral, ethical and policy-related issues.info

1. What is heritability and why does it matter? Mei Tan 2. Molecular genetics and genomics Sergey Kornilov 3. Can (and should) we personalize education along genetic lines? Lessons from Behavioral Genetics Kathryn Asbury, Kaili Rimfeld and Eva Krapohl 4. Early adversity and epigenetics: implications for early care and educational policy Katherine Beckmann and Kieran O'Donnell 5. Intelligence: the ongoing quest for its etiology Elena L. Grigorenko and Samuel D. Mandelman 6. A behavioral genetic perspective on noncognitive factors and academic achievement Elliot M. Tucker-Drob and K. Paige Harden 7. Precision education initiative: the possibility of personalized education Callie Little, Connie Barroso and Sara A. Hart 8. Using genetic etiology to intervene with students with intellectual disabilities Robert M. Hodapp and Marisa H. Fisher 9. Ethical implications of behavioral genetics on education Victoria J. Schenker and Stephen A. Petrill 10. Genomic literacy and the communication of genetic and genomic information Kimberly A. Kaphingst 11. Legal issues associated with the introduction of genetic testing to the education system David Peloquin and Mark Barns 12. Ethical risks and remedies in social behavioral research involving genetic testing Celia B. Fisher 13. Development of the personal genomics industry Jorge L. Contreras and Vikrant G. Deshmukh 14. Ethical issues in using genomics to influence educational practice Susan Bourgey and Krista Bouregy 15. Teaching and genetic/genomic variation: an educator's perspective Judi Randi 16. Will the next Einstein get left in the petri dish? Be careful what you wish for in the designer baby era Carolyn D. Cowen Conclusion Stephen R. Latham.

Jim W. Porter (2017). "A Precious Minority": Constructing the "Gifted" and "Academically Talented" Student in the Era of Brown v. Board and the National Defense Education Act. Isis, volume 108, 581-605. pdf

Scott Barry Kaufman & Robert J. Sternberg (2007). Giftedness in the Euro-American Culture. Ch. 13 in Conceptions of giftedness : sociocultural perspectives / edited by Shane N. Phillipson, Maria McCann. pp 373-407. Academia.edu & book: info

Robert J. Sternberg & Janet E. Davidson (Eds. ) (2005). Conceptions of giftedness (2nd edition). Cambridge UP. academia.edu pdf info & contents

Chapter 4. School-Based Conception of Giftedness Tracy L. Cross and Laurence J. Coleman
Chapter 5 Giftedness, Talent, Expertise, and Creative Achievement John F. Feldhusen
Chapter 15 . In Defense of a Psychometric Approach to the Definition of Academic Giftedness: A Conservative View from a Die-Hard Liberal 280 Nancy M. Robinson
Chapter 17 . Genetics of Giftedness: The Implications of an Emergenic-Epigenetic Model 312 Dean Keith Simonton
Chapter 18 The WICS Model of Giftedness 327 Robert J. Sternberg Beyond Expertise: Conceptions of Great Performance 343 Rena F. Subotnik and Linda Jarvin  
Chapter 24 The Scientific Study of Giftedness 437 Richard E. Mayer

""A Precious Minority": Constructing the "Gifted" and "Academically Talented" Student in the Era of Brown v. Board and the National Defense Education Act" by Jim W Porter academia.edu pdf

Quinn McNemar (1940). A critical examination of the university of Iowa studies of environmental influence upon the IQ. Psychological Bulletin, 37, 63-92. abstract & scihub pdf

Barbara Stoddard Burks (1928). The relative influence of nature and nurture upon mental development: a comparative study of foster parent - foster child resemblance and true parent - true child resemblance. 27th yearboek of the NSSE. scihub pdf

Farr's Foreword van Snow, Federico & Montague 1980 'Aptitude, learning and instruction' vol. 1. Cognitve process analyses of aptitude. LEA.

https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1394935247863750657 "Today we can no longer doubt that thousands of quantitative psychophysical experiments [by Fechner e.a., bw] were made almost in vain. No one knew precisely what he was measuring. Nobody had studied the MENTAL PROCESSES upon which the whole procedure was built." Kohler 1947 Guess what. Hetzelfde geldt voor intelligentietests. "... the test scores show a satisfactory correlation with achievements both in school and in subsequent life. This very success, however, contains a grave danger. The tests do not show what specific processes actually participate in the test achievements. The scores are mere numbers which allow of many different interpretations.' (p. 44-45 in Köhler's 'Gestalt Psychology'). Geciteerd in Farr's Foreword van Snow, Federico & Montague 1980 'Aptitude, learning and instruction' vol. 1. LEA. We weten niet wat intelligentietests precies meten. Nog steeds niet, trouwens. Er zijn er die zeggen dat ze SES meten, en dat is zeker ook zo. Of wat leerlingen in school hebben opgestoken, en ook dat is zeker zo. En dan zijn er die beweren dat verschillen vooral genetisch bepaald zijn: want ook hier gaat het om louter correlaties zonder dat enig mechanisme in zicht is. We weten niet wat intelligentietests meten, en evenmin hoe IQ verschillen deels genetisch bepaald zouden kunnen zijn. En maar onderzoek doen. #rupsjes_nooit_genoeg

Samuel D. Mandelman, Mei Tan, Abdullah M. Aljughaiman, Elena L. Grigorenko (2010). Intellectual giftedness: Economic, political, cultural, and psychological considerations. Learning and Individual Differences, 20, 287-297. download

Integrating Diverse Points of View on Intelligence: A 6P Framework and Its Implications. By Robert J. Sternberg and Sareh Karami (2021). Journal of Intelligence open access

James C. Kaufman, Scott Barry Kaufman, and Jonathan A. Plucker (). How do we differ? Chapter 51: Contemporary theories of intelligence.

Ulric Neisser Gwyneth Boodoo Thomas J. Bouchard Jr. Thomas J. Bouchard Jr. sSusana UrbinaSusana Urbina et aliis (1996). Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns February 1996 American Psychologist 51(2):77-101 DOI: 10.1037/0003-066X.51.2.77 researchgate.net

Arthur Jensen (1969). How Much Can We Boost IQ and Scholastic Achievement? Harvard Educational Review pdf. Via ERIC: download manuscript

Alan S. Kaufman (1976). Intelligence testing with the WISC-R. Wiley 0471049719

Robert B. Zajonc & Patricia R. Mullally (1997). Birth order. Reconciling conflicting effects. American Psychologist, 52, 685-699.

Ritchie, Stuart & Tucker-Drob, Elliot (2018). How much does education improve intelligence? A meta-analysis. Psychological Science preprint.

from the abstract: "... we found consistent evidence for beneficial effects of education on cognitive abilities, of approximately 1 to 5 IQ points for an additional year of education. Moderator analyses indicated that the effects persisted across the lifespan, and were present on all broad categories of cognitive ability studied. Education appears to be the most consistent, robust, and durable method yet to be identified for raising intelligence."

Robert J. Sternberg 92021). Adaptive Intelligence: Intelligence Is Not a Personal Trait but Rather a Person x Task x Situation Interaction. J. Intell. 2021, 9(4), 58; https://doi.org/10.3390/jintelligence9040058 open

P.A. Vroon (1980), Over operationaliseren, rekenen en redeneren in het kader van het IQ debat. Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsresearch 5, 170 [Piet Vroon] open

Theresa Richardson & Erwin V. Johanningmeier (1998). Intelligence testing: The legitimation of a meritocratic educational science. Int. J. Educ. Res., 27, 699-714. 10.1016/S0883-0355(98)00007-X abstract scihub pdf

https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1484853978944966657 Serendipiteit helpt mij weer, ik kom dit passende artikel tegen. Want denk eraan: eindtoetsen bo zijn 'aptitude tests', in de eerste lijn familie van intelligentietests. 'Intelligence testing: The legitimation of a meritocratic educational science' https://sci-hub.se/10.1016/S0883-0355(98)00007-X

A.C. Meester en J. de Leeuw (1985). De regressie van intelligentiescores op schoolloopbaanvariabelen onder constanthouding van sociale achtergrond en geslacht. Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsresearch 10, 2-20. open

https://twitter.com/benwilbrink/status/1484883148504711173
"In het algemeen refereert de term 'voorspeller' aan toetsend onderzoek, aan een experiment waarbij leerlingen 'at random' aan verschillende onderwijscondities worden toegekend en op basis van bijvoorbeeld begaafdheidsonderzoek voorspellingen gedaan worden over schoolsucces. Een dergelijk experiment is in de onderwijsresearch nooit gedaan en zal, om maatschappelijke redenen, nooit gedaan kunnen worden. Een gebrekkige benadering van de experimentele condities zou kunnen zijn het advies van de onderwijzer of het toetsadvies voor het voortgezet onderwijs als voorspelling op te vatten. Dat biedt echter ook geen uitzicht, omdat deze adviezen op 12-jarige leeftijd al ernstig gecontamineerd zijn met sociaal milieu en de variabelen die de schoolloopbaan weer moeten geven."

P. A. Vroon (1977). Enkele kanttekeningen bij het onderzoek naar de herkomst van intelligentieverschillen. TOR, 2, 284-291 open

J. E. Schulte (1940). Is de intelligentie erfelijk? pdf

Deary, I.J., Cox, S.R. & Hill, W.D. Genetic variation, brain, and intelligence differences. Mol Psychiatry (2021). open access [via Eric Turkheimer https://twitter.com/ent3c/status/1358455103217352704]

"The three studies above used polygenic scores to provide out-of-sample predictions of intelligence based solely on DNA-SNP data [31, 46, 47]. A polygenic score is an individual-level predictor derived from the sum of effect alleles at a SNP, weighted by the regression co-efficient describing each SNP's level of association with the trait, in this case intelligence. The polygenic scores predicted 4'7% of intelligence variance in independent samples; another study predicted 10.6% [50]. Thus, a blood sample at birth in these samples predicts intelligence with about the same effect size as parental socioeconomic status, i.e. they do not predict well; neither is of practical use for predicting the intelligence of an individual."

Robert J. Sternberg (1981). The evolution of theories of intelligence. Intelligence, 5, 209-230. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0160-2896(81)80009-8 abstract

Scholar: geciteerd door 111. pdf scihub

key, especially stage 3: global and local systems. Local: expertie, geautomatiseerd, alle informatie gelijktijdig beschikbaar. Global: novice, lineair, gestuurd denken, geen of weinig informatie geautomatiseerd aanwezig. Kijk, daar wil ik veel meer van weten. Is Stenrnberg hier later op doorgegaan? Heeft Ericsson er iets mee gedaan`? Ik loop even de citaties langs, dat zijn er een overzichtelijk aantal (111). Ik kom op dit artikel door een verwijzing in Robert J. Sternberg & Janet S. Powell (1982) 'Theories of intelligence', in Sternberg: Handbook of human intelligence. Cambridge UP. 975-1005.

Alexandros LazaridisMarco VetterJakob Pietschnig (2022). Domain-specificity of Flynn effects in the CHC-model: Stratum II test score changes in Germanophone samples (1996'2018) Intelligence, 95, open access

Chen Zisman a, Yoav Ganzach (2022). The claim that personality is more important than intelligence in predicting important life outcomes has been greatly exaggerated. Intelligence, 92 pdf

Lazar Stankov (2023). Intelligence, Personality, and the Prediction of Life Outcomes: Borghans et al. (2016) vs. Zisman and Ganzach (2022) Debate. Journal of Inteligence, 11 open access

Jennifer H. Coane, John Cipollini, Talia E. Barrett, Joshua Kavaler and Sharda Umanath (2023). Lay Definitions of Intelligence, Knowledge, and Memory: Inter- and Independence of Constructs. Journal of Inteligence, 11 open access

from the abstract: "when defining what it means to be intelligent, participants reference knowledge, but intelligence is not considered in explaining knowing."

John R. Anderson (Ed.) (1981). Cognitive skills and their acquisition. Erlbaum.

A subject somewhat in between the science of individual differences in intelligence and cognitive science.

Allen Newell and Paul S. Rosenbloom: Mechanisms of skill acquisition and the law of practice 1-56 report pdf zie ook leren.htm
David M. Neves and John R. Anderson: Knowledge compilation: mechanisms for the automatization of cognitive skills 57-84 pdf ophalen zie ook leren.htm
Clayton Lewis: Skill in algebra. 85-110 [geen online versie gevonden] (er lijkt geen later onderzoek te zijn dat hier echt op voortbouwt) (voor een beter model van het oplosproces zie Koedinger & MacLaren: Implicit Strategies and Errors in an Improved Model of Early Algebra Problem Solving algebra.htm
Richard M. Shiffrin and Susan T. Dumais: The development of automatism. 111-140 (ik vind geen online-versie) (maar een beter stuk is Shiffrin en Schneider pdf
William G. Chase and K. Anders Ericsson: Skilled memory 141-190 (geen online versie gevonden) (maar zie:)
- K. A. Ericsson & J. J. Staszewski (1989). Skilled memory and expertise: Mechanisms of exceptional performance. In D. Klahr & K. Kotovsky: Complex information processing: The impact of Herbert A. Simon. (235-267). Erlbaum. report
- K. Anders Ericsson & Walter Kintsch (1991). Memory in comprehension and problem solving: A long-term working memory. Institute of Cognitive Science Publication Number 91-13 pdf
John R. Anderson, James G. Greeno, Paul J. Kline & David M. Neves: Acquisition of problem-solving skill (191-230) pdf download (Ik vermoed dat ik me hierdoor heb laten inspireren voor het hoofdstuk probleemoplossen (in Toetsvragen schrijven, 1983, hoofdstuk 7), zonder er direct naar te verwijzen. In ieder geval behandelt het dezelfde thema’s.
Fredrick Hayes-Roth, Philip Klahr and David J. Mostow: Advice taking and knowledge refinement: an iterative view of skill acquisition (231-254). abstract of meteen het vrij beschikbare rapport zie ook leren.htm
Robin Jeffries, Althea A. Turner & Peter G. Polson: The processes involved in designing software. (255-284)
Johan de Kleer & John Seely Brown: Mental models of physical mechanisms and their acquisition. (285-310) scan
Jill H. Larkin: Enriching formal knowledge: a model for learning to solve textbook physics problems. (311-334) (geen online-versie gevonden, 2013)
David E. Rumelhart and Donald A. Norman: Analogical processes in learning. (335-360) (geen online versie gevonden 2013, enkele pagina’s in Google http://goo.gl/Bln0J2 maar er is wel een scan van een conceptversie http://goo.gl/beuy5S))report
Pat Langley and Herbert A. Simon: The central role of learning in cognition. (361-380). tekstbestand ophalen

Perkins, D. N., & Gavriel Salomon (1989). Are cognitive skills context-bound? Educational Researcher, february 16-25. pdf

Rather short-sighted:

"Regrettably, E. D. Hirsch (1987) and other educators have even taken the negative arguments from expertise, weak methods, and transfer as reasons to eschew attention to higher order skills so that more time is given to building students' factual knowledge base in a domain."

Ellen Winner (1988).The point of words. Children's understanding of metaphor and irony. Harvard UP. 0674681258 info on the book

Research showing understanding of metaphor to be a domain-specific skill, not a general one. 'Conceptual domains and the acquisition of metaphor' by Frank C.Keil 1986 pdf treated in Ch 4 'Constraints on metaphor comprehension'.

David A. Rosenbaum, Richard A. Carlson, and , and Rick O. Gilmore (2001). Acquisition of Intellectual and Perceptual-Motor Skills. Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 52 pdf scihub

intelligence: key publications, and some.